Culture and the Structure of Personal Experience: Insider and Outsider Phenomenologies of the Self and Social World
Introduction
To say that a person “sees herself through other people's eyes” or “takes other people's perspective” implies something about how people act in relation to others. Conversely, to say that someone is “self‐absorbed” or “lives in his own world” indicates something about people's failure to think about others. The expressions are usually meant metaphorically, but they also have a more literal interpretation that implies something about the actual phenomenology that the person experiences. In the present chapter, we examine how people from different subcultures may experience the self in ways that make a literal interpretation of these metaphors plausible; and in taking the metaphors literally, we try to address one of the important puzzles of cultural psychology, namely how micro‐level individual phenomenological experience and macro‐level cultural ideology can reinforce and recreate each other.
Much research in cultural and cross‐cultural psychology has focused on content or the what of culture: What are the attitudes, beliefs, and values that differentiate between cultures? What are the contents of the independent versus interdependent self? What are the scripts, norms, and expectations that drive behavior? On the other hand, a good deal of attention has been paid subsequently to the process or the how of culture: How do people process information about the social world differently (Kuhnen 2002, Nisbett 2001)? How do people juggle multiple identities (Hong 2000, Oyserman 2007)? How do cultural practices get patterned by interpersonal interactions and affordances in the environment (Cohen 2001, Kitayama 1999, Kitayama 1997, Miller 1995)?
In this chapter, we argue that studying people's phenomenological experience of themselves in the world is another important route to understanding how psyches and cultures make each other up. To be a person in the world feels like something, and this feeling of the self in the world can arise from our cultural ideologies and in turn can help to recreate those ideologies. The perceptions, the imagery, the memories, the mental models, the salience (or lack of salience) of our own internal thoughts and physical sensations, and the (real or imagined) feeling of being in tune with another person all structure the feeling of being a self in the world.
Here we focus on what might be called an “outsider” phenomenology of self versus an “insider” phenomenology. These are differences in the forms or structures of experience. In the “outsider” (or third person) form of experience, a person experiences himself or herself from the point of view of an outsider looking at the self. In the “insider” (or first person) form of experience, a person does not see himself or herself as others would; instead, the insider dwells in his or her own private, internal experiences and may end up either (1) projecting those experiences onto others or (2) mistaking the private, internal experience for something that is actually “out there” in the world.
We argue that understanding the phenomenology of being a self in the social world is extremely important for understanding two different subcultural systems. We examine this phenomenology for Asian‐Americans and Euro‐Americans and show how it manifests in predictable situations.1 As Nagel (1974) pointed out in a very different context, one of the key features of consciousness is that consciousness feels like something. And similarly, being a cultural being in the world feels like something that is hard to reduce to a simple collection of beliefs, attitudes, or artifacts. It feels a certain way to be a self in one cultural system or another; and in itself, understanding these differences is an extremely important part of understanding culture.
Section snippets
How Form is Content
We also argue that the form or structure of our phenomenological experience is not generated haphazardly, but is systematically derived from the contents of our cultural beliefs and values and in turn affects those beliefs and values. In this sense, the structure of experience—the form—is content. Embedded within the structure of our experience are cultural beliefs, attitudes, and values about the way the world is and should be. The content of our ideological conceptions shapes the
Relational Versus Egocentric Projection6
In his book, The Emotions, Sartre (1948) sketched out a “phenomenological theory” and described emotions as “a magic transformation of the world.” Our perceptions of the world change, depending on the emotional state we are in. Whether the world seems gloomy or wondrous, whether
Memory Imagery
In terms of insider and outsider imagery, one useful area of research is memory. Nigro and Neisser (1983) have distinguished between field and observer memories. In the former, a person has the imagery of what they saw (or believed they saw) at the time. In the latter, a person takes the perspective of an outsider looking in on the scene—that is, this observer might see what the person saw, but the observer would also see the person in the scene. Thus, in an observer memory, a person would see
Online Imagery
As noted above, dreams and memories are places where people commonly report imagery in which they see themselves from an “outsider's” point of view. However, this phenomenon can also exist in online experience (Blanke, Ortigue, Landis, & Seeck, 2002). That is, a person can have a third‐person experiencing of the event as it is actually happening in real time. Nigro and Neisser (1983), in fact, suggest that some third‐person memories may derive directly from such third‐person experiencing. They
Mental Models of the Self and Others in Narrative
In both IV Memory Imagery, V Online Imagery above, participants self‐reported whether they took a third‐person perspective on themselves in their memories and online imagery. It is hard to imagine how social desirability could create the observed interactions. And it is hard to imagine that participants cannot accurately report on the imagery in their own heads. Nevertheless, it would be good to have corroborating evidence from a third and different method of assessing third‐person versus
Confusing What Is in One's Own Head and What Is Out There
One very vivid demonstration of insider bias comes from a study by Newton (1991, also see Griffin & Ross, 1991). In this study, participants were brought into the laboratory in pairs. One person (the “sender”) was instructed to tap out the rhythm to a popular song (e.g., “The national anthem”), whereas the other was instructed to guess what the song was. It turns out people are not really able to detect which song the sender is tapping out. They correctly guessed the song on about 3% of trials.
Confusing What Is in One's Own Head with What Is in Other People's Heads: The Illusion of One's Own Transparency and Empathy‐as‐Projection
Section VII examined the focus of attention and how one can confuse what is in one's own head with what exists in external reality. VIII Confusing What Is in One's Own Head with What Is in Other People's Heads: The Illusion of One's Own Transparency and Empathy‐as‐Projection, IX Projection‐as‐Empathy in a Group Setting extend this point by examining the way one may confuse what is in one's own head with what is in other people's heads. Two related phenomena are examined in this section. The
Projection‐as‐Empathy in a Group Setting
In the present study (done with Alison Luby), we wanted to extend the projection‐as‐empathy finding of the last study in two ways. First, we wanted to examine projection‐as‐empathy in a more natural setting. That is, instead of taking turns lying, participants would be involved in a three‐person group discussion. After the discussion, they would be asked how much they liked the other members of the group, and they would be asked to guess how much the other members of the group liked each of the
Characterizing the World
How people characterize objects and actions has been seen as quite fundamental by psychologists and others studying culture (Chua 2005, Imai 1997, Menon 1999, Morris 1994, Nisbett 2001, Norenzayan 2002). Our phenomenological experience of an event is fundamentally tied up both with our perceptions of causation (Heider 1944, Nisbett 2007, Peng 2003, Storms 1973, Taylor 1975, Wegner 2003, Wegner 2004) and with our beliefs about the inherent properties of persons and things (MacLeod, 1947). In
General Discussion
The studies described in this chapter are consistent with the notion that the phenomenological gestalts are different for Euro‐Americans and Asian‐Americans in some fundamental ways. It is not “simply a metaphor” to say that Asian‐Americans are more likely to see themselves the way another person would (see also Lakoff 1987, Lakoff 1982). In memories of situations where they are at the center of attention, Asian‐Americans really did see themselves the way an outsider would have. In our
Acknowledgments
Work in this paper was supported by funds from the University of Illinois, Swarthmore College, Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, and the University of Waterloo. The authors are grateful to Mark Zanna for his helpful suggestions.
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