Social comparison and smoking cessation: The role of the “typical smoker”

https://doi.org/10.1016/0022-1031(91)90014-WGet rights and content

Abstract

Adult smokers who were members of smoking cessation support groups were asked to report on the seriousness of their smoking problem, their perceptions of the “typical smoker”, and their social comparison preferences (e.g., what type of person they would like to have in their group). These perceptions were assessed at three times during the clinic and then at a follow-up. Results indicated that subjects' perceptions of the typical smoker prototype became increasingly negative (a form of “active” downward comparison) and less similar to themselves over the course of the groups. In addition, subjects with more serious smoking problems showed a preference for having others with worse smoking problems as group members (i.e., a form of “passive” downward comparison). As subjects improved, however, their preference for downward comparison targets decreased. The results suggest that psychological distancing from the prototype associated with certain problematic behaviors (a) involves active downward comparison with the prototype, and (b) is engaged in by people trying to stop the behavior.

References (41)

  • Z. Kunda et al.

    Motivated changes in self-concept

    Journal of Experimental Social Psychology

    (1989)
  • P. Brickman et al.

    Pleasure and pain in social comparison

  • R.J. Bulman et al.

    Attribution of blame and coping in the “real world”: Some accident victims react to their lot

    Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

    (1977)
  • L. Chassin et al.

    Selfimages and cigarette smoking in adolescence

    Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin

    (1981)
  • D. Coates et al.

    Counteracting the deviance of depression: Peer support groups for victims

    Journal of Social Issues

    (1983)
  • R. Criddle

    Love is not blind

    (1953)
  • J. Crocker et al.

    Schematic bases of belief change

  • J. Crocker et al.

    Downward comparison, prejudice, and evaluations of others: Effects of self-esteem and threat

    Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

    (1987)
  • R.G. Edgerton

    The cloak of competence: Stigma in the lives of the mentally retarded

    (1967)
  • R.G. Edgerton et al.

    From mortification to aggrandizement: Changing self-conception in the careers of the mentally retarded

    Psychiatry

    (1962)
  • L. Festinger

    A theory of social comparison processes

    Human Relations

    (1954)
  • M. Gerrard et al.

    Social comparison in a self help group for bulimics

  • F.X. Gibbons

    Social stigma perception: Social comparison among mentally retarded persons

    American Journal of Mental Deficiency

    (1985)
  • F.X. Gibbons

    Social psychological perspectives on developmental disability

    Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology

    (1985)
  • F.X. Gibbons

    Social comparison and depression: Company's effect on misery

    Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

    (1986)
  • F.X. Gibbons et al.

    Effects of upward and downward social comparison on mood states

    Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology

    (1989)
  • Gibbons, F. X., McGovern, P. G., & Lando, H. A. (in press). Relapse and risk perception among members of a smoking...
  • H.A. Lando

    A revised manual for a broad-spectrum behavioral approach to cigarette smoking

    Catalog of Selected Documents in Psychology

    (1982)
  • H.A. Lando

    Long-term modification of chronic smoking behavior: A paradigmatic approach

    Bulletin of the Society of Psychologists in Addictive Behaviors

    (1986)
  • H. Markus et al.

    Stability and malleability of the self-concept

    Journal of Personality and Social Psychology

    (1986)
  • Cited by (81)

    • The downside of tobacco control? Smoking and self-stigma: A systematic review

      2015, Social Science and Medicine
      Citation Excerpt :

      Similarly, one study reported that participants in a smoking cessation program perceived themselves to have little in common with the “typical smoker.” Moreover, their image of a “typical smoker” became more negative over the course of the program, regardless of whether they were successful in quitting smoking (Gibbons et al., 1991). However, the vast majority of studies which addressed application of stereotypes to one's self overwhelmingly reported that participants felt shame, guilt, and embarrassment for their own smoking behavior.

    • Controlling the self: The role of the dorsal frontomedian cortex in intentional inhibition

      2014, Neuropsychologia
      Citation Excerpt :

      Interestingly, such distancing strategies do not appear to be used exclusively by children, but persist into adulthood. For example, while engaged in a smoking cessation program, smokers tend to initially psychologically distance themselves from their archetype of the typical smoker, until such time as they have successfully broken their habit (Gibbons, Gerrard, Lando, & McGovern, 1991). Likewise, in the realm of emotion suppression, it is well known that people employ specific reappraisal strategies, most notably distancing, when attempting to decrease their emotional response to stimuli (e.g., Gross, 1998; 1999).

    • Using the theory of planned behaviour and prototype willingness model to target binge drinking in female undergraduate university students

      2011, Addictive Behaviors
      Citation Excerpt :

      In this way, willingness explains how risk-taking behaviour can occur without the appropriate intentions. Prototype perceptions are images associated with the type of person who engages in a particular behaviour (Gibbons, Gerrard, Lando, & McGovern, 1991). Under the PWM, these images affect willingness to engage in the behaviour, and subsequently actual behavioural engagement.

    • Using the Prototype/Willingness model to predict smoking behaviour among Norwegian adolescents

      2009, Addictive Behaviors
      Citation Excerpt :

      A review of the motivational pathways to smoking supports this view; initiators tend to regard social motives as most important for their smoking-decisions, whereas personal motives have been shown to be most important when it comes to maintaining smoking (Baker, Brandon, & Chassin, 2004). Since the seminal paper of Leventhal & Cleary (1980), proposing that adolescents' smoking decisions are influenced by their smoking images, the relation between these images and smoking has been replicated numerous times (e.g., Amos, Gray, Currie, & Elton, 1997; Chassin, Presson, Sherman, Corty, & Olshavsky, 1981; Gerrard, Gibbons, Gano, Vande Lune, & Cleveland, 2005; Gibbons & Gerrard, 1997; Gibbons, Gerrard, Blanton, & Russell, 1998; Lloyd, Lucas, Holland, McGrellis, & Arnold, 1998; Mosbach & Leventhal, 1988; Rivis, Sheeran, & Armitage, 2006; Rugkåsa et al., 2001; Spijkerman, van den Eijnden, Vitale, & Engels, 2004; Stjerna, Lauritzen, & Tillgren, 2004) and empirically broadened to include smoking cessation (Gibbons & Eggleston, 1996; Gibbons, Gerrard, Lando, & McGovern, 1991), and smoking relapse (Gibbons & Eggleston, 1996; Gibbons, Eggleston, & Benthin, 1997). Findings indicate that adolescents, as well as adults, have clear images of what a “typical smoker” is like.

    View all citing articles on Scopus

    This research was funded by Grant R01DA03950 from the National Institute on Drug Abuse and Grant BNS-8718691 from the National Science Foundation.

    View full text