Choosing a career is an important decision to make for adolescents. Although almost all occupations are open to both women and men, students’ decisions are still strongly influenced by their gender. For instance, whereas teachers, secretaries, or registered nurses have a women’s share larger than 87%, less than 10% of the electricians, mechanics, and computer network architects are female (US Department of Labor
2017). In science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM), women make up only 28% of the workforce overall (National Science Board
2018). These gendered choices and particularly the underrepresentation of women in STEM have far-reaching effects at the expense of women. Math-related or STEM-related careers are more prestigious than other careers (Watt et al.
2012) and better paid in the US (US Bureau of Labor Statistics
2020) as well as in European countries such as Germany (Federal Employment Agency
2020). What explains the underrepresentation of women in STEM in college and workforce? Average achievement differences at the expense of female students have been ruled out as the primary explaining factor (e.g., Wang and Degol
2016), shifting the focus to adolescents’
motivation to pursue prestigious STEM-careers (for a recent review, see also Master and Meltzoff
2020). This study therefore aimed to explain gender differences in two powerful motivational predictors of students’ academic and occupational choices, namely their ability self-concept and intrinsic motivation in an academic domain (e.g., Eccles [Parsons] et al.
1983). More precisely, it examined how adolescents’ mindsets, that is their beliefs about whether abilities are fixed or malleable (e.g., Dweck and Yeager
2019), are related to their ability self-concept and intrinsic motivation, and whether these relations differ depending on students’ gender. Extending prior research, this study relied on a German sample and focused not only on the relations in math, a highly-studied, prestigious and male-stereotyped domain, but also in language arts, a less-studied, less prestigious and female-stereotyped domain.
Gender Differences in Math and Language Motivation
According to the expectancy-value theory (EVT; Eccles [Parsons] et al.
1983), students’ expectancies and values in academic domains—like their ability self-concepts and intrinsic motivation in math and language arts—determine their choices and persistence. A variety of empirical studies has found that girls’ ability self-concept and intrinsic motivation in math were significantly lower than boys’ (e.g., Watt
2006) although gender differences in average math achievement (e.g., Else-Quest et al.
2010) or the perceived usefulness of math (e.g., Watt
2006) were relatively weak or nonexistent. In the verbal domain, by contrast, boys reported a lower ability self-concept (e.g., Heyder et al.
2017) and lower intrinsic motivation (e.g., Durik et al.
2006) than girls which is in line with their lower reading competencies (e.g., Reilly et al.
2019) or language grades (e.g., Heyder et al.
2017). Supporting EVT, these gender differences in domain-specific motivation evolved into substantial gender differences in career aspiration and choices, like course-choices in high school (e.g., Wang and Degol
2013), career goals, and career attainment later on (e.g., Lauermann et al.
2017).
Since gender differences in motivation can have such far-reaching consequences for students’ careers, it is worthwhile to investigate and to better understand factors that shape these gender differences. According to EVT, differences between boys’ and girls’ motivation are, amongst others, determined by their perception of gender stereotypes, that is, beliefs about the attributes of females and males as a social group, and beliefs about the nature of abilities (see Wigfield et al.
2016), in what follows called mindsets. Also the socio-cognitive model (e.g., Dweck and Leggett
1988) assumes students’ mindsets to affect students’ subsequent motivation. This study focused on students’ mindsets in math and language arts and explored their role in gender differences in students’ motivation in these domains.
General and Domain-Specific Mindsets
Mindsets can be defined as a person’s subjective beliefs about whether a particular attribute, such as intelligence or math ability, is fixed or can be shaped and developed (e.g., Dweck and Yeager
2019). The first belief describes a fixed mindset whereas the second belief describes a growth mindset. Unlike a fixed mindset, having a growth mindset about one’s abilities is theorized to foster students’ motivation and achievement, in particular for struggling students. When confronted with difficulties, students’ mindsets affect their reaction (e.g., Dweck and Leggett
1988). That is, if a student believes in a fixed ability, experiencing that there is something she or he does not succeed in decreases the student’s motivation, elicits low-ability attributions, and undermines her or his achievement in the long run. By contrast, if a student believes in a malleable ability, experiencing failure only means that there is something she or he has not succeeded in
yet. A growth mindset thus protects students’ motivation and self-evaluation because there is the option to improve, learn, and grow, and thus fosters their achievement. Several empirical studies inducing or fostering domain-unspecific growth mindsets of intelligence in students have supported these predictions (e.g., Paunesku et al.
2015). Furthermore, believing that human attributes are rather malleable than fixed was found to positively correlate with learning goals, mastery-oriented strategies, expectations (Burnette et al.
2013) and achievement (Sisk et al.
2018) in meta-analyses. Even though the effect sizes were not large, these results suggest that students’ mindsets matter for students’ motivation and achievement.
Recently, the question whether people perceive abilities in different academic domains as more or less malleable has gained more attention. Here, research suggests that adolescents and adults believe more strongly in an “innate” ability that is required to be successful in math than in language arts (e.g., Gunderson et al.
2017). Basically, they hold stronger fixed mindsets of math ability than of abilities in other domains. Moreover, students with low math competencies (Seo et al.
2019), low prior math achievement (Degol et al.
2018), and high socioeconomic status (e.g., Seo et al.
2019) as well as White US students compared to Hispanic or Asian US students (Hwang et al.
2019) were more likely to endorse fixed mindsets of math ability. These studies suggest that students’ prior achievement, domain-specific competencies, socioeconomic and cultural background might be confounded with their mindsets in math, and should therefore be statistically controlled for when investigating students’ mindsets in math. This study aims to explore whether domain-specific mindsets play out differently for female and male students’ motivation.
Gender-Specific Effects of Students’ Mindsets
Current gender stereotypes ascribe higher “innate” math ability to male than to female individuals (e.g., Steffens and Jelenec
2011). For the verbal domain in contrast, female persons are believed to possess more “innate” ability than male persons. These gender stereotypes are still widespread and even hidden in seemingly gender-equal statements such as “girls do as good in math as boys” or “boys’ verbal ability is as good as girls’” (Chestnut and Markman
2018). Gender stereotypes about students’ ability are crucial to understand the effects of students’ domain-specific mindsets for female and male students’ motivation in math and language. Because female students are stereotyped as lacking the required “innate” math ability compared to male students, having a fixed mindset of math ability should be more detrimental for female than male students’ motivation. The stereotype that male students have higher “innate” math ability might even protect them from the negative effects of having a fixed mindset in math. For the verbal domain, opposite relations are expected, that is, more detrimental effects of a fixed mindset for male than female students’ motivation.
So far only two studies have directly addressed the question of gender-specific relations between students’ mindsets and motivation. They were both located in the US and focused on math. In a sample of students from Grade 9 to 12, growth mindsets in math were positively related to concurrent expectancies of success only among female but not among male students, whereas growth mindsets were positively related to concurrent math values, irrespective of students’ gender (Degol et al.
2018). In the Education Longitudinal Study 2002 data, there was a positive association between students’ math growth mindset in Grade 10 and their math ability self-concept in Grade 12 which did not significantly differ depending on students’ gender or ethnicity (Seo et al.
2019). Due to the differences in students’ age, measures, and analyses, the findings of these two studies are hard to integrate and call for further research on this topic. Several studies provide additional, indirect evidence for gender-specific effects of students’ mindsets. For instance, the degree to which an academic domain is perceived as requiring “innate” ability to succeed was negatively related to the proportion of female PhD in this academic domain (Leslie, Cimpian et al.
2015). Domains such as math that were perceived as requiring more “innate” ability than others were characterized by a lower portion of women, suggesting that such beliefs represent a barrier particularly for women (see also Meyer et al.
2015). Moreover, perceiving faculty members as believing that not everyone has the ability to succeed in STEM was negatively related to women’s—but not men’s—sense of belonging in STEM and produced a gender gap in students’ sense of belonging (Rattan et al.
2018; Studies 1 and 6). Finally, fostering a growth mindset of math ability increased only female students’ achievement in standardized math tests with the effect that prior gender differences in math achievement disappeared (Good et al.
2003).
Taken together, empirical findings on whether fixed mindsets in math matter more for female students stereotyped as lacking “innate” math ability than for male students stereotyped as possessing “innate” math ability are mixed, calling for further research. Moreover, several other open questions remain. First, whether students’ mindset in math matters more, not only for female than male students’ ability self-concept, but also for their intrinsic motivation has not been studied yet. This is important as female students consistently report lower intrinsic motivation in math than male students but not necessarily lower scores in other value components (e.g., Gaspard et al.
2015). Furthermore, the interaction between ability self-concept and intrinsic motivation (and not between ability self-concept and utility value) has been found to predict students’ occupational choices above and beyond their individual effects (e.g., Lauermann et al.
2017). Second, all known studies on gender-specific mindset effects studied the effects in math, an academic domain stereotyped as male. Thus, it is unclear, whether opposite relations occur in other domains stereotyped as female, such as the verbal domain. However, a better understanding of factors that lead to the gender-stereotypical choices of these domains is important in order to comprehensively counsel and support adolescents in making the individually right decision about their careers. Third, all known studies on the gendered effects of students’ mindsets relied on data from the US. Thus, research from other countries is needed to estimate the robustness and generalizability of prior findings across countries or cultures.