Introduction
Living in divorced families is common (Spruijt and Kormos
2010) and may be harmful for children (Amato
2001). In the Netherlands, approximately 70,000 children experience parental divorce every year (Spruijt and Kormos
2010). The most devastating effect of divorce for children’s adjustment and well-being is being exposed to parental conflict (Amato
2001; Kelly and Emery
2003). Consequently, one of the most challenging tasks for parents after divorce is to establish a high quality co-parenting relationship. This is crucial, not only for parental adjustment and wellbeing (Katz and Woodin
2002), but also because co-parenting quality is essential to ensure children’s healthy and smooth adaptation to divorce (Amato
2005; Bronstein et al.
1993; Nunes-Costa et al.
2009; Whiteside
1998) and prevent developmental decrements in the long-run (Cabrera et al.
2012; Levine and Painter
1998; Prevoo and Ter Weel
2014).
An important question for research then is to explain how conflict between divorced parents is maintained and/or how it escalates. Although research has examined risk factors for co-parenting conflicts (see for an overview, Bonach
2005), and increased our knowledge about conflict escalation (Coleman et al.
2012), one aspect that has received little attention in empirical research is the role of the social network, including friends, family, and even lawyers (Milardo et al.
2014). This oversight is surprising, given that it is generally recognized that the success and failure of relationships does not only depend on the individual partners but also on their social networks, both in intact relationships (Kennedy et al.
2015) and post-divorce relationships (McDermott et al.
2013). As an example, it has been found that social network approval is an important protective factor for the quality of romantic relationships (Le et al.
2010). Also, social network support was found to be an important protective factor for parents’ individual adjustment after divorce (Albeck and Kaydar
2002; Kramrei et al.
2007).
To explain how social network approval or disapproval may influence the level of co-parenting conflicts, we extend findings on the so-called third-party forgiveness effect (Green et al.
2008) to divorced families. In these families, social network members, like family and friends, can be regarded as third parties in transgressions made between parents. Research has shown that third parties are generally less forgiving than first parties (Green et al.
2008), for example, because they may benefit less from repairing the relationship (Green et al.
2008). Applying these findings to divorced parents, we suggest that friends, family, and important others are reluctant to forgive transgressions made by the ex-partner, in the past and in the present. Consequently, the social network is likely to bring up (past) transgressions of the ex-partner and speak negatively about the ex-partner, which is perceived by parents as disapproval of the ex-partner.
Co-parenting can be conceptualized as the parental relationship in the planning and execution of a joint parental plan for the children. It can be defined as “the joint and reciprocal involvement of both parents in the education, background and decision-making about their children’s lives. Cooperative parents prioritize their children’s well-being, while creating and maintaining a constructive relationship, with new, more flexible boundaries between one another” (Nunes-Costa et al.
2009, p. 388). Furthermore, it is important that parents support each other’s educational decisions (Maccoby et al.
1990) and parental efforts (McHale et al.
2004; Whiteside and Becker
2000). In support of these suggestions, Whiteside and Becker (
2000) found that high levels of positive supportive co-parenting are negatively associated with conflicted co-parenting.
A majority of divorced parents succeeds in remaining supportive of one another and develop a cooperative co-parenting style (Whiteside
1998; Whiteside and Becker
2000). They communicate frequently, although they often have different opinions when parental and educational decisions concerning the children need to be made (e.g., Maccoby et al.
1990). However, approximately one third of divorced parents have high levels of ongoing hostility and tension (Whiteside
1998). The combination of differing opinions and high levels of ongoing hostility and tension between parents may result in unresolved conflict and contribute to the escalation of co-parenting conflicts (Bonach
2005; Coleman et al.
2012).
Ample evidence shows that social network support is important for the individual well-being of parents (Pinquart and Sörensen
2000). Furthermore, research has shown that network relationships (being part of a group), more than specific relationships (one-on-one contact), promote positive post-divorce adjustment, including adaptive coping, mental wellbeing, and life satisfaction (Kramrei et al.
2007). This highlights that being part of a supportive social network is particularly important for healthy adjustment after divorce. Social networks provide divorced parents with a feeling of belongingness and offer emotional support, for example, by approving of the relationship breakup and making negative statements about the ex-partner (Sprecher and Felmlee
2000). Thereby, social networks may help the individual ex-partners to feel better by increasing their sense of belonging as well as by decreasing feelings of uncertainty about ending the romantic relationship (Eaton and Sanders
2012). Despite its beneficial effect for individual post-divorce adjustment, however, such social network support might at the same time have an escalating effect on conflict with the ex-partner. When network members express themselves negatively about the ex-partner as an act of support, they also fuel their divorced friend’s or family member’s negative thoughts, feelings, and behaviors regarding the ex-partner (Lickel et al.
2006).
Forgiveness is an interpersonal process (for a review see Karremans and Van Lange
2008), which serves to maintain the relationship after a transgression has been committed, and to rebuild the quality the relationship had before the transgression. In relationships, including post-divorce relationships, partners intentionally or unintentionally hurt or offend each other. They may lie about extramarital affairs, are emotionally absent, disclose secrets, break promises, or gossip about each other with their friends. To effectively deal with these inevitable transgressions and prevent conflict, relationship partners need to forgive each other (Karremans and Van Lange
2008). Not surprisingly, empirical research consistently finds that forgiveness has profound consequences for the forgiving individual, such as beneficial effects for psychological and physical health, greater life satisfaction, and lower levels of psychological distress (Karremans et al.
2003; Lawler et al.
2005; McCullough et al.
2001). Forgiveness also plays a crucial role in relationships. For example, it is associated with less conflict and greater relationship quality in romantic relationships (Paleari et al.
2005) and more cohesion in families (Maio et al.
2008). Last but not least, forgiveness not only affects individuals and relationships, but also their social network (Green et al.
2014). People close to the victim of a transgression, so-called third parties (Green et al.
2008), who are not directly involved in the transgression, may feel that they are in a position to grant or withhold forgiveness themselves, and/or influence the forgiveness process of the victim.
Research shows that third parties are generally less forgiving than victims themselves and offers several explanations for this third party forgiveness effect (for a review see Green et al.
2014). For example, family, friends, or other important network members may be afraid to jeopardize their close relationship with the victim by being forgiving toward the perpetrator. Furthermore, given that they have less information about the perpetrator than the victim does, social network members may blame the perpetrator more for what happened, and make more negative, internal, and stable attributions about the perpetrator. Finally, research indicates that third parties are less likely to believe apologies and see less profit in reconciliation than do victims themselves (Cheung and Olson
2013; Eaton and Sanders
2012; Green et al.
2008,
2014).
Interpersonal transgressions are important stressors before, during, and after divorce, which may contribute to the maintenance and escalation of co-parenting conflict (Bonach
2005). Research on clinical interventions for divorcing couples suggests that, in these couples, forgiving the other parent is crucial, not only because forgiveness is negatively related to conflicts, but also because it is positively related to the quality of the co-parenting relationship (Reilly
2014; Rye et al.
2012). Furthermore, forgiveness is one of the strongest predictors of the quality of co-parenting over time (Bonach
2005; Bonach and Sales
2002).
It is possible that parental education, the length of the relationship, and time since separation are linked to the key variables in our research (Yárnoz Yaben
2009). Also, although both men and women tend to increase mobilization of social network support in times of greater distress (Fincham et al.
2007), gender differences may affect the hypothesized processes, especially because men were found to be more forgiving than women (Sidelinger et al.
2009).
The aim of the present research was to examine the indirect relation between perceived social network disapproval and co-parenting conflicts via forgiveness in the divorce context. Our first hypothesis was that among divorced parents the level of perceived social network disapproval is positively related to co-parenting conflicts. Our second hypothesis was that parental forgiveness is negatively related to more co-parenting conflicts. Our third hypothesis was that the association between perceived network disapproval and co-parenting conflicts is mediated by parental forgiveness of the other parent/ex-partner. We tested our predictions, first, in a convenience sample of divorced parents recruited via online forums, and, second, in a clinical sample of parents involved in high-conflict divorces who were referred to treatment because of the imminent threat their conflicts posed to the psychosocial wellbeing of their children. To rule out possible confounding influence of parental gender and education, the length of the relationship, and the time since separation, we examined their influence in both studies.
Results
Seventy-two percent of the participants were mothers. The educational level was moderate (41% completed secondary vocational education) to high (57% completed higher vocational education and university). Participants had had a relationship with their ex-partner before divorce for 16.1 years (SD = 7.2; range 2–35 years), and had been separated for 4.7 years (SD = 4.0; range 0–16 years). Participants reported a mean of five persons (SD = 3.0) in their social network (range 0–10), 34% own family, 1% family of the other parent, 44% own friends, 0% friends of the other parent, 6% psychological counselors, 3% legal workers, 6% new partner, 5% other not specified, and 4% reported to have nobody.
Independent-samples t-tests were conducted to compare the study variables for fathers and mothers. Results indicated that perceived social network disapproval, forgiveness, and co-parenting conflicts did not differ significantly across gender, t(134) ≤ 1.361, p
≥ .179, d ≤ .02334.
Means, standard deviations, for fathers and mothers, and bivariate correlations among study related variables, are presented in Table
1. Consistent with the first hypothesis, higher levels of perceived network disapproval were significantly related to more co-parenting conflicts,
r(134) = .611,
p < .001, and to lower levels of forgiveness,
r(136) = −.521,
p < .001. Also, consistent with our second hypothesis, lower levels of forgiveness were significantly related to more co-parenting conflicts (
r(134) = −.536,
p < .001).
Table 1
Descriptives and zero-order correlates of all study variables study 1
1. Network disapproval | 2.95 | .91 | | |
| 3.07 | 2.91 | .88 | .92 | | |
2. Co-parenting conflicts | 2.36 | 1.04 | .611** | |
| 2.58 | 2.28 | 1.17 | .98 | | |
3. Forgiveness | 3.56 | .89 | −.521** | −.536** |
| 3.49 | 3.58 | .90 | .90 | | |
Consistent with our mediation hypothesis, simple mediation analyses using ordinary least squares path analysis yielded that perceived social network disapproval indirectly influenced the amount of co-parenting conflicts through its effect on forgiveness. As presented in Table
2, parents who perceived more disapproval in their social network were less likely to forgive the other parent (
b = −.512,
p
< .001), and when parents were less likely to forgive the other parent, they reported more co-parenting conflicts (
b
= −.347,
p
< .001). We calculated bias-corrected bootstrap confidence intervals estimated based on 5000 bootstrapped samples and a 95% confidence interval. The indirect effect (ab) of perceived network disapproval through forgiveness on co-parenting conflicts, did not include zero (for more details see Table
2), which indicates that the effect is significant.
Table 2
Forgiveness (F) as a mediator between perceived social network disapproval (ND) and co-parenting conflicts (CC) in divorced families (n = 131)
ND → F → CC | .179 | 0.0671 | 0.3063 | .1684 | .700 (.000) | .523 (.000) |
ND → F → CC (with covariates) | .161 | 0.0530 | 0.2909 | – | .676 (.000) | .515 (.000) |
Also, the indirect effect (ab), controlling for the effect of parental educational level (
b
= .011,
se
= .043,
p
= .803), length of parental relationship (
b
= −.000,
se
= .001,
p
= .782), time since separation (
b
= −.037,
se
= .018,
p
= .047), and gender (
b = −.002,
se
= .151,
p = .989), of perceived network disapproval through forgiveness on co-parenting conflicts, did not include zero (for more details see Table
2), which indicates that the effect remained significant when controlling for possible confounders. As can be seen in Table
2, perceived social network disapproval remained a significant direct predictor of co-parenting conflict after controlling for the level of forgiveness, which indicates that other factors, at least, mediate the relation between perceived network disapproval and co-parenting conflict.
Results
Forty-six percent of our sample was male, so we succeeded to include more men in Study 2 than in Study 1. The educational level was moderate (46%, secondary vocational education) to high (53%, higher vocational education and university), and only 1% had a low level of education (lower vocational education). On average, parents had had a relationship with their ex-partner for 12.0 years (SD = 6.3; range 0–26), and had been separated for 4.6 years (SD = 2.9; range 0–12). Participants reported a mean of six persons (SD = 2.8) in their social network (range 0–10), 31% own family, 1% family of the other parent, 34% own friends, 0% friends of the other parent, 8% psychological counselors, 7% legal workers, 6% new partner, 12% other not specified, and 3% reported to have nobody.
To explore possible gender differences, we conducted multilevel analyses, controlling for interdependence between ex-partners, to compare the study variables for fathers and mothers. The results indicated that perceived social network disapproval varied as a function of gender,
B
= .11,
t(58.59) = 2.19,
p
= .033, 95% CI = [0.022, 0.4967]. Women reported higher levels of perceived social network disapproval than men (for details see Table
3). We found no gender differences for forgiveness
B
= −.12,
t(65.68) = −.082,
p
= .413, 95% CI = [−0.412, 0.171]. Co-parenting conflicts did differ significantly across gender in the high conflict divorced group,
B
= −.26,
t(57.34) = −2.55,
p
= .013, 95% CI = [−0.472, −0.057]; men reported higher levels of co-parenting conflict than women (for more information see Table
3).
Table 3
Descriptives and zero-order correlates of all study variables Study 2
1. Network disapproval | 3.31 | .75 | | |
| 3.19 | 3.40 | .78 | .73 | | |
2. Co-parenting conflicts | 3.34 | .72 | .262** | |
| 3.46 | 3.23 | .75 | .68 | | |
3. Forgiveness | 3.23 | .79 | −.301** | −.408** |
| 3.28 | 3.18 | .73 | .84 | | |
Also, an independent-samples t-test examined hypothesized group differences for co-parenting conflicts. As expected, the sample of divorced parents in Study 2 scored significantly higher on co-parenting conflicts (M = 3.34, SD = .72) than the sample in Study 1 (M = 2.36, SD = 1.04), t(235) = 8.666, p < .001, d = 1.1297 (this is a large effect size). So, our recruitment strategy successfully resulted in the inclusion of parents involved in high-conflict divorces.
The pattern of zero-order correlations in Study 2 (see Table
3 for more details) closely replicated the one observed in Study 1. Again, higher levels of perceived social network disapproval were significantly related to more co-parenting conflicts (
r(110) = .262,
p = .006), and to lower levels of forgiveness (
r(110) = −.301,
p = .001). Also, lower levels of forgiveness were significantly related to more co-parenting conflicts (
r(110) = −.408,
p < .001).
To explore whether ex-partners’ ratings were related, we examined the intra-class correlations within ex-couples. We found that within the 39 ex-couples, partners’ reports on perceived social network disapproval were significantly correlated ICC = .328, z = 2.05, p = .020, as were their reports on co-parenting conflict ICC = .448, z = 2.80, p = .023, whereas their forgiveness was unrelated, ICC = .062, z = 0.39, p = .348. For none of the variables did we find significant differences between participants in ex-couples and single participants.
To test the hypothesized link between perceived social network polarization and co-parenting conflict, we performed multilevel regression analyses, regressing co-parenting conflict onto perceived social network disapproval. As hypothesized, perceived social network disapproval was positively associated with co-parenting conflict, B
= .18, t(107.909) = 2.14, p
= .035. To test whether social network disapproval was associated with forgiveness, we regressed forgiveness on social disapproval. Perceived social network disapproval was negatively associated with forgiveness, B
= −.32, t(102.211) = −3.27, p
< .001. To ensure that the results were valid above and beyond educational level, gender, relationship duration and time since separation, we conducted all analyses controlling for these variables. All results remained significant, indicating that perceived social network disapproval reliably accounted for unique variance beyond these control variables, B
= .22, t(101.97) = 2.56, p
= .012 in co-parenting conflict and, B
= −.32, t(96.82) = −3.13, p
= .002 in forgiveness, respectively.
Furthermore, we assessed whether forgiveness mediated the link between social network disapproval and co-parenting conflict. To test for mediation, because our model included no random slope, we used the Monte Carlo Method for Assessing Mediation (MCMAM: Selig and Preacher
2008). This method was used to generate a 95% CI for the indirect effect with 20,000 resamples. Significant mediation is indicated when the CI does
not include zero. Regarding the mediation effect, the analyses revealed that forgiveness mediated the effect of perceived social network disapproval on co-parenting conflict (indirect effect: 95% CI = [0.026, 0.177]; direct effect:
B
= .11,
p
= .191). Taken together, these results suggest that when parents involved in high-conflict perceive their social network to be disapproving of the ex-partner, they are less forgiving and this is related to more co-parenting conflict.
Discussion
The results of Study 1 were consistently replicated in Study 2. Among parents involved in high-conflict divorces, we found a positive relation between perceived social network disapproval and the number of co-parenting conflicts. Furthermore, results confirmed our hypothesis that forgiveness between ex-partners plays a crucial role in explaining this association. So, the results provide empirical support for the indirect relation between perceived social network disapproval and co-parenting conflicts through parents’ tendency to forgive the other parent in a group of high-conflict parents. By adopting a different recruitment procedure, we succeeded not only in including a high-conflict divorce sample, but also in including more fathers than in Study 1. Additionally, all effects were significant when we ruled out possible statistical interdependence among ex-partners by conducting multilevel regression analyses. All three aspects speak to the robustness of our results.
The results of Study 2 also yielded a number of new insights. First, they revealed that ex-partners showed agreement in their evaluation of co-parenting conflict and perceived social network disapproval, but not their forgiveness. Second, they revealed gender differences in the report of co-parenting conflict and social network disapproval, but not for forgiveness.
The findings regarding the intraclass correlations may be attributable to the fact that co-parenting conflict and perceived social network disapproval happen between people, while forgiveness is an
intrapersonal process with
interpersonal consequences. Specifically, to forgive their ex-partner, people have to consciously and actively seek to overcome their negative thoughts, feelings, and behavioral tendencies toward a transgressor to regain a more positive stance, despite the perpetrator’s hurtful actions (McCullough et al.
1998; Worthington
2001). This transformation needs to take place intrapersonally (Worthington
2001), before it can be translated into behavior toward the perpetrator (McCullough et al.
1998). Consequently, there may not be agreement in forgiveness between ex-partners in high-conflict divorce couples. It is possible that there is more agreement when divorced parents manifest behavior interpersonally so that the ex-partners can become cognizant of a positive change in their attitudes towards them (McCullough et al.
1998). A core feature of interpersonal forgiveness is that it is approach-oriented, indicating a willingness to re-engage with perpetrators. For example, McCullough (
2008) argues that reconciliation may be a behavioral proxy for interpersonal forgiveness. Future research examining the interpersonal manifestations of forgiveness among high-conflict couples may be particularly promising.
Co-parenting conflict mostly takes place in the presence of the ex-partner, and although ex-partners may not agree on the severity or intensity of the conflict, they do agree on the fact that conflicts take place (Halford and Sweeper
2013). Because parents share responsibility and care for their child(ren) (McHale et al.
2012), they need to interact with each other for co-parenting conflict to occur. This interaction, in turn, may facilitate the accurate detection of conflict. Similarly, social network disapproval can be assumed to be felt by both partners in that their networks need to separate once the divorce has taken place (Sprecher and Felmlee
2000). We will address the mean differences across gender in the general discussion.
General Discussion
The findings of the two studies presented here shed light on one underlying mechanism that can account for why in many divorced couples co-parenting conflicts are maintained or even escalate. The results showed that parents who perceive more disapproval toward the other parent in their social network after a divorce have more co-parenting conflicts. In addition, the willingness of parents to forgive the other parent’s transgressions explained, at least in part, the link between perceived network disapproval and co-parenting conflicts. Speaking to the robustness of these results, we found the hypothesized mediation across two studies, involving a convenience sample of divorced parents and a sample of high conflict divorced parents whose children were clinically referred for intervention because their wellbeing was severely compromised by the severity of parental conflicts. These findings are in line with a growing body of research demonstrating the importance of the broader social network on relationship processes between (ex) partners (Agnew
2014; Crowley and Faw
2014; Hogerbrugge et al.
2013).
Consistent with our first hypothesis in both studies, we found that divorced parents who perceived more disapproval in their social network had more co-parenting conflicts. Extending previous work on the importance of social network influences on relationship quality in ongoing relationships (Lehmiller and Ioerger
2014), the current research demonstrated that the perception of a negative attitude toward an ex-partner is linked to more parental conflict. Our findings are compatible with the suggestion that ex-partners mobilize social and emotional support to justify the divorce (Sprecher and Felmlee
2000), which may help the individual ex-partners to increase their sense of belonging and decrease feelings of uncertainty (Eaton and Sanders
2012). Despite its beneficial effect for individuals’ post-divorce adjustment (Kramrei et al.
2007), our findings suggest that such perceptions of social network approval of the divorce may be perceived as social network
disapproval of the other parent and are positively related to conflicts in the co-parenting relationship. Our studies did not allow us to test these processes, because they were correlational and did not include items tapping ex-partners’ strategies to mobilize support (Crowley and Faw
2014). In light of the important implications such insights may have for interventions, longitudinal research on these strategies and the interplay of approval of the divorce and disapproval of the co-parenting relationship would be particularly promising. Another future direction for research may be the actual involvement of social network members to answer the question whether parents’
perceived social network disapproval corresponds to parents’
received disapproval, and second, whether received disapproval is related to the co-parenting relationship. In a review, Haber et al. (
2007) showed that perceived social support is related to relationship quality, but received social support is not.
In line with previous research, we found support for our second hypothesis, that the level of forgiveness is positively related to the quality of the co-parenting relationship among divorced parents (Bonach
2005; Bonach and Sales
2002; Reilly
2014; Rye et al.
2012). These results suggest that parents who are more likely to forgive each other’s transgressions made in the far or recent past, may be more capable to prioritize their children’s well-being and share parenting responsibilities in a mutual supportive and cooperative way (Maccoby et al.
1990; Nunes-Costa et al.
2009). Underlining the important implications these findings have for interventions, a preliminary study by Reilly (
2014) in a small sample of high-conflict divorce cases (
n = 32) provided initial evidence that a psycho-educational intervention focusing on forgiveness (Worthington and Scherer
2004) can promote forgiveness and co-operative co-parenting. More research is needed to examine the role of forgiveness in intervention programs for high-conflict divorces.
Also, we confirmed the hypothesized mediation model in both studies. The results suggest that if parents perceive that friends, family members, and important others are blaming the ex-partner for transgressions and are speaking negatively about the ex-partner, it is harder for parents to forgive the other parent, which seems to be one important relational mechanism in the explanation of the maintenance and escalation of conflicts between divorced parents. While our studies shed light on one potential mechanism underlying the link between perceived social network disapproval and co-parenting conflicts, other mechanisms seem possible. For example, parents who perceive more network disapproval may interpret this disapproval as emotional support for their feelings regarding old marital conflicts (Cabrera et al.
2009), or as support for child custody disputes (Sbarra and Emery
2008).
In contrast to Study 1, in Study 2 we found gender differences in the report of co-parenting conflict and social network disapproval, but not for forgiveness. Regarding these mean differences across gender, we believe that the mean differences for social network disapproval need to be replicated. In fact, in Study 1 we did not find significant differences, whereas in Study 2 mothers reported greater social network disapproval than fathers. If future studies were to replicate the latter findings, it may indicate that mothers are more sensitive to others’ judgments and evaluations than fathers, given their greater focus on others and forming connections (Helgeson
1994). Regarding co-parenting conflict, in both studies fathers reported higher levels of co-parenting conflict, albeit significantly only in Study 2. Other studies too found that co-parenting conflict was higher among fathers (Halford and Sweeper
2013), and many fathers report frustration and conflict in their relationships with their child’s mother (Martinson and Nightingale
2008). Possibly this is attributable to the fact that fathers are more often the non-custodial parent, but research would need to examine this suggestion.
Strengths, Limitations, and Future Research Directions
It is important to note several strengths and a limitation of the present work. One limitation of the present research is the cross-sectional nature of both studies. Nevertheless, the direction of the proposed associations is consistent with longitudinal studies showing that forgiveness predicts conflict resolution (e.g., Fincham et al.
2007). Although plausible, other directional effects can be proposed. To illustrate, DiDonato et al. (
2015) manipulated relationship partners’ forgiveness and found that it predicted how social network partners perceived the relationship of the forgiving individual with the perpetrator. Specifically, more forgiveness was associated with greater perceived commitment, satisfaction, and warmth. These results not only emphasize the need for more experimental and prospective studies investigating the proposed links, but also point to the possibility that parental forgiveness, co-parenting conflicts, and perceived social network (dis-)approval may reinforce each other in a cyclic model.
One important strength is the robustness of the results, which replicated across a convenience sample of divorced parents recruited via online forums and a clinical sample of high-conflict divorced parents. A second strength is the broader relational perspective we took in this research. Till now, research mostly focused on the effects of social support and approval of family and friends on individual parental adjustment after divorce (Kramrei et al.
2007), and on social network influence on partners’ decision to divorce (Hogerbrugge et al.
2013). Our study showed that social network (dis)approval also affects the post-divorce relationship between ex-partners. This is important as more and more divorced parents maintain a co-parenting relationships and (un)forgiveness is especially impactful when divorced parents have frequent contact (Kluwer
2016). Third, in the clinical sample, we were able to include 46% fathers, allowing us to examine gender differences and to exclude their confounding influence in the proposed links. Although fathers’ characteristics and behavior are associated with children’s normal and abnormal development, fathers are underrepresented in child psychopathology research (Cassano et al.
2006), as well as in pediatric research and in therapeutic treatment of children’s mental health (Phares et al.
2005).