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Open Access 18-09-2024 | Original Paper

How the COVID-19 Pandemic Influenced Veteran Parents’ Harsh Parenting: Do Parental PTSD and Parental Role Matter?

Auteurs: Xiafei Wang, Choyang L. Sherpa, Lisette R. Piera-Tyree, Brooks B. Gump, Kenneth J. Marfilius, Jennifer C. Genovese, Carrie J. Smith, Jacqueline Allen

Gepubliceerd in: Journal of Child and Family Studies | Uitgave 10/2024

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Abstract

Prior studies show a heightened risk of child maltreatment during the COVID-19 pandemic because of financial difficulties and parenting stress, but little is known about what happened to the veteran families. This study aimed to examine the influences of the COVID-19 pandemic on veteran parents’ harsh parenting – creating a potential for child maltreatment. Further, we explored the potential moderating effects of parental PTSD and parental role on the association between COVID-19 impacts and veteran harsh parenting. We recruited 509 veteran parents from Qualtrics online research panel and assessed the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic (e.g., perceived threat, financial and psychological impacts) on the participants, parental PTSD, and parents’ past year prevalence of corporal punishment and psychological aggression. We used Mplus 8.8 to build main models, two-way moderation models, and three-way moderation models. There was a significant association between COVID-19 pandemic impacts and harsh parenting (Corporal punishment: β = 0.09, p < 0.05; Psychological aggression: β = 0.10, p < 0.05), while parental PTSD was a significant moderator (Corporal punishment: β = 0.10, p < 0.05; Psychological aggression: β = 0.08, p < 0.05). Parents with higher levels of PTSD were more vulnerable to the negative influences of COVID-19 on their harsh parenting. However, the association between COVID-19 pandemic impacts and harsh parenting did not differ by parental role. Our study findings contribute to the current knowledge of veteran families during the COVID-19 pandemic and provide implications for both Veteran Affairs services and child protective services.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has caused unprecedented stress on individuals and family dynamics (Ford, 2020). Not surprisingly, studies show that COVID-19-related parenting stress could result in child maltreatment (Griffith, 2020; Rodriguez et al., 2021). However, less is known about how the COVID-19 pandemic affects child maltreatment potential, such as harsh parenting, among the veteran population. Veteran parents are especially vulnerable during the pandemic because their military experiences have already profoundly affected their behavioral health. Based on the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs (2021a), approximately 11–20% of veterans who served in Operations Iraqi Freedom and Enduring Freedom have posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in a given year. The Intergenerational Transmission of Trauma (ITT) framework explores how parents who have endured trauma might inadvertently inflict harm on their children through specific parenting styles and methods of communication (Alleyne-Green et al., 2019; Berlin et al., 2011; Oliver, 1993). Among veterans, exposure to war-related trauma significantly elevates the risk of PTSD, which in turn hampers their ability to foster healthy relationships with their offspring. This impairment can lead to further traumatic experiences for children, including harsh disciplinary practices or child maltreatment (Dekel & Goldblatt, 2008; Christie, 2019). Given that 43% of veterans are parents to at least one dependent child (Department of Defense, 2014), how the COVID-19 pandemic influenced veteran parents’ harsh parenting, and how veteran parents’ military-related PTSD levels moderate those influences constitute significant concerns.

The COVID-19 Pandemic and Harsh Parenting

The COVID-19 pandemic increased harsh parenting through increased risk factors such as economic stress, parental mental health problems, and parenting stress (Marmor et al., 2021).

Economic Stress

A systematic review identified a strong association between economic insecurity and child maltreatment, highlighting income losses, cumulative material hardship, and housing instability as significant predictors of such maltreatment (Conrad-Hiebner & Byram, 2020). In the U.S., historical economic downturn is strongly correlated with family conflict, domestic abuse, and child maltreatment (Schneider et al., 2016a, b). Specifically, the COVID-19 pandemic caused the U.S. society an economic downturn and a stark increase in unemployed individuals including veterans (Bureau of Labor Statistics, US Department of Labor, 2021). A study during the period of the COVID-19 pandemic found that parental job loss was linked to increased incidents of psychological child maltreatment and physical abuse (Lawson et al., 2020).

Parental Mental Health Problems

Parental mental health conditions significantly influence parenting behavior, with parental depression strongly linked to harsh parenting practices (Lovejoy et al., 2000; Mustillo et al., 2011). The COVID-19 pandemic heightened the risks of parental anxiety and depressive symptoms, which were associated with an increased potential for child abuse (Brown et al., 2020). Veteran parents’ mental health conditions during COVID-19 could be even more challenging because their mental health may already have been compromised by their military experience. Pre-existing mental health conditions were associated with greater psychological distress resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic (Asmundson et al., 2020). According to the Department of Veteran Affairs (2021b), veterans’ mental health conditions were compromised because the pandemic increased their sense of insecurity, causing trauma triggers, preventing them from doing things that are still considered safe, breeding negative thoughts and feelings, and resulting in problems with sleep and concentration.

Parenting Stress

The COVID-19 lockdown significantly increased the burden on parents to meet their children’s needs, as key social institutions like schools, lunch programs, and daycare centers were unable to function normally (Bérubé et al., 2021). Consequently, parents faced considerable stress due to the pandemic-related challenges (Griffith, 2020; Peterman et al., 2020), and such parenting stress is known to be a risk factor for negative parenting behaviors (Abidin, 1990) and child abuse (Wang et al., 2019). Similarly to their vulnerability to mental health problems, the unique experiences of veteran parents may make them particularly susceptible to heightened parenting stress under pandemic-related pressures (James Riegler et al., 2020).
It should be noted that although the COVID-19 pandemic increased both economic and psychological stress as well as parenting stress that could result in harsh parenting—a child maltreatment potential (Griffith, 2020; Peterman et al., 2020), officially collected child maltreatment data in the United States reflected a paradoxically dramatic decline during the period of the pandemic (Jonson-Reid et al., 2020). Child maltreatment experts worried that this decline was caused by child victims’ diminished exposure to mandatory reporters such as teachers, social workers, and pediatricians during the lockdowns and social distancing requirements (Baron et al., 2020). A systematic review of child maltreatment during COVID-19 suggests that there is so much unknown about parent-child interactions during the pandemic (Marmor et al., 2021). Therefore, an empirical study on harsh parenting during COVID-19 among an understudied veteran population could move forward the field of veteran studies and child maltreatment, and potentially inform the Veteran Affairs Services and Child Protective Services.

Parental PTSD as a Predictor and Moderator for Harsh Parenting

Veterans are pervasively affected by PTSD (Fulton et al., 2015), while PTSD acts as a risk factor for harsh parenting (Christie et al., 2019; Franz et al., 2022; Yehuda et al. 2013). A systematic review suggests that parental PTSD increases parents’ overt hostility and controlling behaviors and develops less optimal parent-child relationships (Christie et al., 2019). At the same time, the sensitivity perspective of trauma suggests that trauma survivors are prone to heightened psychological vulnerability and distress when experiencing subsequent traumatic events (Solomon, 1993). Therefore, the risks for harsh parenting due to COVID-19 among veteran parents may be heightened if they had post-traumatic stress disorder. Specifically, with the nature of the COVID-19 pandemic, stressors such as isolation, loss of loved ones, shortage of supplies and resources, and fear of infection can increase individuals’ traumatic symptoms (Letica-Crepulja et al., 2021). A 29-year longitudinal study on Israeli veterans suggested that ex-Prisoners-of-War who had PTSD from their military service were at a greater risk of their PTSD symptoms recurring with further exposure to traumatic events during the pandemic (Solomon et al., 2021). Studies in the U.S. also suggested that veterans who were diagnosed with PTSD exhibited more compromised reactions to the pandemic than those without the symptoms (Pedersen et al., 2021). Therefore, it is worthwhile to examine whether veteran parents’ military-related PTSD levels would be associated with harsh parenting, as well as moderate the COVID-19 pandemic’s impacts on harsh parenting.

Gender Differences in COVID-19 Pandemic Impacts, PTSD, and Harsh Parenting

One important issue that needs exploring was how parental role would also moderate the associations between COVID-19 pandemic impacts, parental PTSD, and harsh parenting. Data collected from the general population indicate that mothers are more likely to perpetrate harsh parenting than fathers (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, 2021), while very few studies examined gender differences in parenting behaviors among veteran parents during the pandemic. Existing studies show that women’s childcare work has grown significantly during the pandemic compared to men’s (Fodor et al., 2021), which may intensify mothers’ parenting stress to increase the risks of harsh parenting, or even child abuse (Wang et al., 2019). Furthermore, studies also reveal that veteran men and women may express different PTSD symptoms even at the same overall severity, which may potentially cause different parenting patterns. For example, women were more likely to report concentration difficulties and distress from reminders, but men were more likely to report frequent nightmares, emotional numbing, and hypervigilance (King et al., 2013). Therefore, the COVID-19 pandemic impacts on harsh parenting may differ between veteran fathers and mothers, while the moderating effects of parental PTSD may also vary by parental role.

Present Study

Although studies revealed increased risk factors for harsh parenting during the COVID-19 pandemic (Brown et al., 2020; Lawson et al., 2020; Marmor et al., 2021), how the circumstances of the COVID-19 pandemic affect veteran parents’ behaviors remain understudied. Guided by the framework of intergenerational transmission of trauma and trauma-sensitive perspective, this study explored the associations between COVID-19 pandemic impacts and veteran parents’ harsh parenting. Further, this study examined the moderating effects of parental PTSD and parental role. We proposed the following four hypotheses (Also see Fig. 1 conceptual model).
Hypothesis 1: COVID-19 pandemic impacts would be positively associated with harsh parenting.
Hypothesis 2: The association between COVID-19 pandemic impacts and harsh parenting would be moderated by parental PTSD, i.e., the association between COVID-19 pandemic impacts and harsh parenting would be stronger among parents with higher levels of PTSD (i.e., testing the moderating effect of parental PTSD).
Hypothesis 3: The association between COVID-19 pandemic impacts and harsh parenting would be moderated by parental role, i.e., the association between COVID-19 pandemic impacts and harsh parenting would be stronger among mothers (i.e., testing the moderating effect of parental role).
Hypothesis 4: The moderating effect of parental PTSD on the association between COVID-19 pandemic impacts and harsh parenting would be moderated by parental role, i.e., the moderating effect of parental PTSD would be stronger among mothers (i.e., testing the moderating effect of parental PTSD as moderated by parental role).
This study would contribute to the growing literature about veterans, parenting, and the COVID-19 pandemic. The pandemic has impacted all individuals, but it is crucial to acknowledge its role in vulnerable populations such as veterans and children. Our findings can inform professionals to better understand and create gender and culturally-sensitive strategies to help veteran families during and after the COVID-19 pandemic.

Methods

Procedure and Participants

We collected a purposive sample (N = 509) from an online research panel that was recruited by the company of Qualtrics (Qualtrics, 2019). We worked with Qualtrics to invite individuals who met the criteria of 1) having a veteran status; 2) having frequent interactions with their child below ten years of age. Given that younger children experience higher risks of being harshly treated, we targeted the veteran population with younger children to better understand the risks of harsh parenting during the COVID-19 pandemic. We obtained informed consent and provided $10 incentives for each response. The data collection was from April 6 to June 8, 2021. Our University Institutional Review Board approved this study and informed consent was obtained from each participant before completing the survey.
Table 1 shows that the sample was predominantly male (76.2%) with a mean age of 39 years at the time of survey data collection. Veterans were parents to boys (60.6%) and girls (39.4%) at an average age of 6.5 years. Participants were predominantly White/European American (78.6%) with at least a bachelor’s degree (67.8%). Half of the participants served in the Army, followed by the Air Force (17.7%), the Navy (16.1%), the Marines (13.9%), and the Coast Guard (2.8%). Over 50% of the participants reported that their household income was above $70,000 and most participants (81.1%) were married.
Table 1
Sample characteristics (N = 509)
 
N
%
M (SD)
Range
Child characteristics
 Age
498
 
6.5(2.62)
0–10
 Sex (male)
308
60.6
  
Parent/family characteristics
 Age
508
 
39(9.3)
21–76
 Gender(male)
387
76.2
  
 Race/ethnicity
    
   Native American/Native North American
10
2.0
  
   Asian and Asian American/Pacific Islander
12
2.4
  
   Hispanic/Latinx
32
6.3
  
   Black/African American
43
8.4
  
   White/European American
400
78.6
  
   Multiracial
12
2.4
  
 Education level
    
   High school diploma/GED
33
6.5
  
   Some college (No degree obtained)
70
13.8
  
   Associate degree/Trade school
61
12.0
  
   Bachelor’s degree
170
33.4
  
   Master’s degree
152
29.9
  
   Doctoral/Professional degree
23
4.5
  
 Branch of service
    
   Air Force
90
17.7
  
   Army
265
50.3
  
   Coast Guard
14
2.8
  
   Marines
71
13.9
  
   Navy
82
16.1
  
 Household income
    
   Less than $10,000
4
0.8
  
   $10,000–$39,999
69
13.5
  
   $40,000–$69,999
87
17.1
  
   $70,000–$99,999
125
24.6
  
   $100,000–$149,999
151
29.7
  
   More than $150,000
73
14.3
  
 Relationship status
    
   Married
413
81.1
  
   Divorced
47
9.2
  
   Separated
8
1.6
  
   Widowed
8
1.6
  
   Never married
33
6.5
  

Measures

COVID-19 pandemic impacts

We assessed COVID-19 pandemic impacts—the independent variable—with the Social Psychological Measurements of COVID-19 (Conway et al., 2020 preprint). The measures were an array of questionnaires about the coronavirus perceived threat, government response, impacts, and experiences. For our study, we used the short versions of the Perceived Coronavirus Threat Questionnaire and Coronavirus Impacts Questionnaire to assess the influences of the COVID-19 pandemic. Specifically, we used nine questions in the domains of perceived threats, financial impacts, and psychological influences of COVID-19. Sample questions included “Thinking about the coronavirus (COVID-19) makes me feel threatened;” “I have lost job-related income due to the Coronavirus (COVID-19);” and “The Coronavirus (COVID-19) outbreak has impacted my psychological health negatively.” The responses were measured by a 7-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (“Not true of me at all”) to 7 (“Very true of me”). We calculated the mean score for this measure by averaging the responses from across items, where a higher score suggested a higher level of COVID-19 impacts on veteran parents. The reliability of this 9-item measure was 0.88.

Parental PTSD

We assessed one moderator, parental PTSD, with a 17-item PTSD Checklist—Military Version (PCL-M; Weathers et al., 1991). This measure is commonly used by the VA to screen for veterans’ PTSD, aid in diagnostic assessment, and monitor changes in PTSD symptoms. Sample questions included “repeated, disturbing memories, thoughts, or images of a stressful military experience,” and “feeling emotionally numb or being unable to have loving feelings for those close to you.” Responses were measured by a 5-point Likert scale ranging from 1 (“Not at all”) to 5 (“Extremely”). We calculated the mean score for this measure by averaging the responses across 17 items, where a higher score indicated more severe PTSD symptoms. The test-retest reliability of the PTSD Checklist has been shown as a coefficient of 0.96, with internal consistency coefficients of 0.89 or above (Weathers et al., 1993). The reliability α of the PCL-M was 0.97 in this study.

Parental role

The parental role was the other moderator, and we used a question on participants’ gender to define the parental role (0 = mother; 1 = father).

Harsh parenting

The dependent variable is harsh parenting including two dimensions: corporal punishment and psychological aggression. They were both assessed by 4 items from the sub-scales of the Dimensions of Discipline Inventory (DDI, Straus & Fauchier, 2007). Sample questions for corporal punishment were “In the past year, how often did you shake or grab this child to get their attention?” “In the past year, how often did you spank, slap, smack, or swat this child?” Questions measuring psychological aggression included “In the past year, how often did you shout or yell at this child?” “In the past year, when this child behaved badly, how often did you tell the child that they are lazy, sloppy, thoughtless, or some other name like that?” The responses ranged from 0–9 (e.g., 0 = “Never and not in the past year, but in a previous year”; 1 = “1–2 times in the past year”; 2 = “3–5 times in the past year”; 6 = “weekly”; 8 = “Daily”; 9 = “Two or more times a day”). Based on the DDI manual developed by Straus and Fauchier (2007), we recoded the responses and calculated the composite Prevalence in Past Year score for both corporal punishment and psychological aggression. We then calculated the mean score for both measures by averaging the responses of four questions for corporal punishment and psychological aggression. The reliability α of the measures of corporal punishment and psychological aggression were 0.79 and 0.73.

Covariates

The determinants of parenting theory suggests that certain parents’ and children’s demographic and socioeconomic factors can influence parenting behaviors (Belsky, 1984). We hence controlled for relevant parents’ and children’s characteristics that are related to harsh parenting according to Belsky’s theory. Based on empirical evidence, the covariates associated with harsh parenting include parents’ characteristics, such as race, education, household income (Pinderhughes et al., 2000) and relationship status (Daryanani et al., 2016), as well as child’s characteristics, such as age (Dietz, 2000) and gender (Taillieu et al., 2014).

Data Analysis

We used Mplus 8.8 building regression models to estimate the associations between COVID-19 pandemic impacts, parental PTSD, parental role, and harsh parenting. First of all, harsh parenting (e.g., corporal punishment and psychological aggression) were regressed on parental PTSD and parental role, as well as other covariates. Second, two-way interactions were entered to test the interaction terms between COVID-19 pandemic impacts and parental PTSD, as well as COVID-19 impacts and parental role. Finally, a three-way interaction term (COVID-19 pandemic impacts × parental PTSD × parental role) would be tested.
According to normality tests, our outcome variables (corporal punishment and psychological aggression) were not normally distributed. We used maximum likelihood with robust standard errors (MLR) as a model estimator because MLR can better handle non-normal data in this study. Full information maximum likelihood was used to handle missing data. We only had <1% of variables including missing data and the missing rates were below 3%. The Little test showed that the data were missing completely at random χ2(10) = 4.098, p = 0.943.

Results

Key Study Variable Characteristics

Table 2 shows the characteristics of the key study variables. The average level of COVID-19 impacts was 3.74 (SD = 1.39) on a 1–7 scale, suggesting that overall, the participants were moderately affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. There was no difference between veteran mothers (M = 3.66, SD = 1.40) and fathers (M = 2.76, SD = 1.39) regarding COVID-19 impacts. The average level of PTSD symptoms was 2.39 (SD = 1.10) on a 1–5 scale, suggesting veterans experienced medium PTSD symptoms during the pandemic. Still, almost 10% of participants experienced severe PTSD symptoms. There was no difference between veteran mothers (M = 2.33, SD = 1.13) and fathers (M = 2.40, SD = 1.09) regarding PTSD symptoms.
Table 2
Key study variable characteristics
 
N
M
SD
Range
COVID-19 impacts
509
3.74
1.39
1–6.89
Parental PTSD
509
2.39
1.10
1–5
Corporal punishment (past year prevalence)
509
27.23
75.39
0–700
Psychological aggression (past year prevalence)
509
33.30
79.80
0–700
On average, the past year’s prevalence of corporal punishment and psychological aggression was 27.23 (SD = 75.39) and 33.30 (SD = 79.80), respectively, indicating a skewed distribution for both measures. For corporal punishment, the first quartile of participants had scores ranging from 0 to 0, indicating no endorsement of corporal punishment over the past year. The second quartile ranged from 0 to 1, showing that participants either did not endorse or endorsed this behavior only once during the year. The third quartile’s scores ranged from 1 to 12.5, indicating an endorsement of corporal punishment from rarely to monthly. The fourth quartile ranged from 12.5 to 175, showing endorsements from once a month to once every other day.
For psychological aggression, the first quartile of participants had scores ranging from 0 to 0.5, indicating almost no endorsement of psychological aggression over the past year. The second quartile ranged from 0.5 to 3.5, indicating very rare endorsements. The third quartile’s scores ranged from 3.5 to 21.5, suggesting endorsements from rarely to twice every month. The fourth quartile ranged from 21.5 to 177, indicating endorsements from twice a month to once every other day.
Substantial differences are being detected between mothers and fathers. Fathers endorsed a significantly higher past-year prevalence of corporal punishment than mothers (Mm = 7.22; Mf = 33.56; t = −3.39, p = 0.001). There was no significant gender difference in psychological aggression (Mm = 25.48; Mf = 35.83; t = −1.25, p = 0.214).

The Association between COVID-19 Impacts and Harsh Parenting

The main models (Model 1 in Tables 3 and 4) show that after controlling covariates, COVID-19 pandemic impacts were positively associated with veteran parents’ corporal punishment (β = 0.09, p < 0.05) and psychological aggression (β = 0.10, p < 0.05), which supported the first study hypothesis. The higher levels of veteran parents being influenced by the COVID-19 pandemic, the higher frequencies these parents would endorse harsh parenting. Parental PTSD was also a significant predictor for corporal punishment (β = 0.21, p < 0.05) and psychological aggression (β = 0.22, p < 0.05), indicating that the higher level of parental PTSD was positively associated with higher frequencies of harsh parenting. The parental role was a significant predictor for corporal punishment (β = 0.17, p < 0.05) but not for psychological aggression (β = −0.01, p > 0.05). This finding suggests that compared to veteran mothers, veteran fathers endorsed more corporal punishment than veteran mothers. There was no significant parental role difference in endorsing psychological aggression.
Table 3
Standardized regression coefficients and 95% confidence interval (Outcome variable = Corporal punishment)
Predictors
Model 1: Main model β (CI)
Model 2: Two moderators model β (CI)
Model 3: Moderated moderation model β (CI)
COVID-19 pandemic impacts
0.09* [0.03, 0.16]
−0.22** [−0.37, −0.08]
−0.06 [−0.27, 0.16]
Parental PTSD
0.21* [0.14, 0.28]
−0.20 [−0.45, 0.05]
−0.12 [−0.55, 0.32]
Parental role
0.17* [0.05, 0.29]
−0.09 [−0.46, 0.27]
0.31 [−0.58, 1.20]
Child age
0.01 [−0.02, 0.03]
0.01 [−0.02, 0.03]
0.01 [−0.02, 0.03]
Child sex
−0.03 [−0.19, 0.12]
−0.02 [−0.17, 0.13]
−0.02 [−0.17, 0.13]
Parental age
−0.01 [−0.01, 0.001]
−0.01 [−0.01, 0.001]
−0.01 [−0.01, 0]
Parental race being White
0.17* [0.07, 0.26]
0.14** [0.04, 0.24]
0.14* [0.04, 0.24]
Parents’ marital status
0.13 [−0.01, 0.27]
0.08 [−0.06, 0.22]
0.07 [−0.07, 0.21]
Parental education
0.07 [−0.01, 0.16]
0.06 [−0.02, 0.15]
0.06 [−0.02, 0.14]
Household income
0.03* [0, 0.06]
0.03 [−0.001, 0.06]
0.03 [−0.002, 0.05]
COVID-19 pandemic impacts × Parental PTSD
 
0.10** [0.04, 0.17]
0.05 [−0.07, 0.18]
COVID-19 pandemic impacts × Parental role
 
0.09 [−0.03, 0.20]
−0.13 [−0.40, 0.15]
Parental PTSD × Parental role
  
−0.11 [−0.65, 0.43]
COVID-19 pandemic impact × PTSD × Parental role
  
0.07 [−0.08, 0.22]
R2
0.18
0.21
0.22
*p < 0.05; **p < 0.01
The bold values mean the results are statistically significant.
Table 4
Standardized regression coefficients and 95% confidence intervals (Outcome variable = Psychological aggression)
Predictors
Model 1: Main model β (CI)
Model 2: Model with two moderators β (CI)
Model 3: Model with moderated moderation β (CI)
COVID-19 pandemic impacts
0.10* [0.04, 0.16]
−0.14 [−0.31, 0.03]
0.08 [−0.16, 0.32]
Parental PTSD
0.22* [0.15, 0.29]
−0.10 [−0.36, 0.16]
0.005 [−0.47, 0.48]
Parental role
−0.01 [−0.17, 0.15]
−0.18 [−0.57, 0.22]
0.35 [−0.59, 1.28]
Child age
0.02 [−0.01, 0.05]
0.02 [−0.004, 0.05]
0.02 [−0.01, 0.05]
Child sex
0.08 [−0.07, 0.24]
0.09 [−0.07, 0.24]
0.09 [−0.06, 0.25]
Parental age
−0.004 [−0.01, 0.003]
−0.004 [−0.01, 0.003]
−0.005 [−0.01, 0.002]
Parental race being White
0.07 [−0.09, 0.23]
0.05 [−0.11, 0.21]
0.05 [−0.12, 0.21]
Parents’ marital status
0.25* [0.09, 0.41]
0.21* [0.05, 0.38]
0.20* [0.04, 0.37]
Parental education
0.03 [−0.08, 0.13]
0.02 [−0.09, 0.13]
0.02 [−0.09, 0.12]
Household income
0.002 [−0.04, 0.04]
0 [−0.04, 0.04]
−0.001 [−0.04, 0.04]
COVID-19 pandemic impacts × Parental PTSD
 
0.08* [0.02, 0.15]
0.01 [−0.12, 0.14]
COVID-19 pandemic impacts × Parental role
 
0.06 [−0.08, 0.19]
−0.23 [−0.52, 0.05]
Parental PTSD × Parental role
  
−0.14 [−0.71, 0.44]
COVID-19 pandemic impacts × PTSD × Parental role
  
0.09 [−0.06, 0.24]
R2
0.15
0.17
0.18
*p < 0.05
The bold values mean the results are statistically significant.
In terms of covariates, we found White parents (β = 0.17, p < 0.05) and parents with higher household income (β = 0.03, p < 0.05) were more likely to endorse corporal punishment; while married parents were more likely to endorse psychological aggression towards their children (β = 0.25, p < 0.05).

Two-way and Three-way Moderation Analyses

The two-way moderation analyses (Model 2 in Tables 3 and 4) show that the interaction term between COVID-19 pandemic impacts and parental PTSD was significant both for corporal punishment (β = 0.10, p < 0.05) and psychological aggression (β = 0.08, p < 0.05), which supported the second study hypothesis. This finding suggests that parental PTSD moderated the association between COVID-19 impacts and harsh parenting. Specifically, parents with higher levels of PTSD were, unfortunately, more susceptible to the negative impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on their parenting. To illustrate the moderating effects of parental PTSD, Figs. 2 and 3 depicted the associations between COVID-19 pandemic impacts and harsh parenting among parents with low, medium, and high levels of PTSD. Note that for parents with low PTSD levels, the pandemic barely caused effects on their harsh parenting, i.e., the slopes of parents with low PTSD were not significant for either corporal punishment or psychological aggression. However, for parents with medium and high PTSD levels, the slopes were significant with larger slopes for parents with high PTSD levels.
However, we did not find a significant interaction effect between COVID-19 pandemic impacts and parental role (Model 2 in Tables 3 and 4); therefore, our third study hypothesis was not supported. The insignificant interaction effect suggests that the influences of the COVID-19 pandemic on harsh parenting did not differ between veteran fathers and mothers.
Further, as shown in Model 3 in Tables 3 and 4, the three-way moderation model did not yield a significant interaction term of COVID-19 pandemic impacts, parental PTSD, and parental role, suggesting that the fourth study hypothesis was not supported. The moderating effect of parental PTSD on the association between COVID-19 impacts and harsh parenting did not differ between veteran fathers and mothers.

Discussion

Guided by the framework of intergenerational transmission of trauma, this study aimed to unravel the associations between COVID-19 pandemic impacts, harsh parenting, parental PTSD, and parental role. Our findings suggested that harsh parenting was indeed associated with COVID-19 pandemic impacts, which aligned with most studies showing an increased risk of child maltreatment during the COVID-19 pandemic (Griffith, 2020; Peterman et al., 2020). We also found parental PTSD moderated the association between COVID-19 pandemic impacts and harsh parenting. Parents with higher levels of PTSD were more sensitive to the influences of the COVID-19 pandemic on harsh parenting, posing an extremely high risk of their children experiencing child maltreatment. Sherman et al.’s study (2016) indicated that veteran parents with PTSD symptoms held negative beliefs and expectations about themselves and the world, and experienced hypervigilance, exaggerated startle, and aggressive urges towards their children. Therefore, it makes sense that parents with higher levels of PTSD were more vulnerable to the negative influences of the COVID-19 pandemic because the social environment during the COVID-19 pandemic somehow resembles the war settings, such as perceived imminent life threats, losses of loved ones, isolation, and shortage of supplies and resources (Letica-Crepulja et al., 2021).
Though we did not find gender differences regarding the associations between COVID-19 pandemic impacts, parental PTSD, and harsh parenting, we did find the past year’s prevalence of endorsing corporal punishment differed between veteran fathers and mothers. Compared to mothers, veteran fathers endorsed more corporal punishment toward their children. This finding contradicted the finding in the general population which suggests child maltreatment perpetrators are more likely to be mothers (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, 2021); however, our existing variables and proposed hypotheses could not explain this contrasting finding. One possible reason might be, although our study findings suggested that COVID-19 pandemic impacts on harsh parenting were almost equivalent for mothers and fathers, we suspected that the current measure of COVID-19 pandemic impacts did not capture all aspects of the pandemic’s influences. The measure in this study only included three dimensions: perceived threats, and financial and psychological effects. However, the influence of the extended time of staying at home was not captured. Working from home since COVID-19 may significantly intensify father-child interaction compared to mother-child interaction. Given that a patriarchal society defines women’s role as caregivers and there are predominantly more mothers than fathers who are homemakers, mothers, including veteran mothers, may be more used to meeting children’s demands and more tolerant of child misbehaviors. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the amount of time fathers spent in the home increased dramatically, which may have created tremendous stress for them, potentially leading fathers to become less tolerant of their children’s misbehavior and increasing their use of harsh parenting. The second reason might be due to the sample size of veteran mothers in this study. Though we collected 121 veteran mothers’ data, the sample size still lacked the power to test the significant differences. The R package “InteractionPoweR” (Baranger et al., 2023) indicated that our current total sample size (N = 509) provided only 0.29 power for analyzing three-way interactions. To achieve a minimum power of 0.8, we would need approximately 1960 participants. We expect future research with a large survey data on veterans to explore the gender difference in veteran parents’ behaviors and unravel the underlying mechanisms to explain the gender difference in parenting. Further, it will be crucial to explore not only gender differences in the frequency of harsh parenting but also the severity and context in which it occurs. Understanding these nuances can provide valuable insights for developing gender-tailored programs aimed at preventing harsh parenting.
Surprisingly, we found that White parents, married parents, and parents with higher income endorsed a higher prevalence of harsh parenting during the COVID-19 pandemic. We speculate that parents from certain families might be more likely to have the opportunity to work from home, thereby increasing the time spent meeting their children’s needs. This blending of work and childcare responsibilities could introduce an additional layer of stress for these families. Before the pandemic, these families likely had access to institutional childcare services and could afford other educational and entertainment activities for their children. However, the complete shutdown of these familiar services may have led to drastic changes in their work and life routines, thereby increasing their stress levels. This elevated stress could, in turn, heighten the risk of harsh parenting behaviors.
Some limitations should be acknowledged. First, the associations detected by this study did not mean causality because of the nature of the cross-sectional research design. However, we specified the model directions based on theories and empirical studies. Second, though we included a comprehensive list of covariates, there still exist omitted variables that we were unable to collect, such as child behaviors and parents’ other mental health symptoms. Third, using Qualtrics to reach research participants compromised the generalizability of the research findings because we precluded people who did not have internet access and were not familiar with completing the online survey. Additionally, the use of a convenience sample that did not represent the full demographic distribution of the U.S. veteran population limits the generalizability of our study findings to the broader veteran population in child-rearing years. Still, our sample has its advantage as it allows researchers, to some extent, to understand veteran families from a general population, compared to most studies recruiting their samples from clinical settings when participants seek professional help. Fourth, even though our study received IRB approval and ensured participants that the data collected would remain confidential, veterans may have remained apprehensive about participating out of fear of the information becoming public. As a result, the self-reported information may have been biased to appear socially desirable. Lastly, this study exclusively collected data from the veteran parent but not the child. Although this provides a better understanding of the parent’s perspective and experiences, a future study examining its effects from the child’s perspective may be beneficial.
Despite these limitations, this study has several strengths. To our awareness, this is the first study on veteran parents’ harsh parenting during the COVID-19 pandemic with a big sample size (N > 500). We also used instruments that specifically assessed the COVID-19 impacts in terms of perceived threat, financial impacts, and psychological influences. Our findings can inform future veteran services such as trauma-informed and gender-tailored programs during and after the pandemic.

Conclusions and Implications

Harsh parenting increased during the COVID-19 pandemic with concerning consequences on children’s lifelong development (Cuartas, 2020); however, research examining harsh parenting among the veteran population was limited. Informed by the framework of intergenerational transmission of trauma, we studied harsh parenting and the moderating effects of parental PTSD and parental role among veterans during the pandemic. Our findings suggest that veteran parents with higher PTSD are more vulnerable to the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic on their harsh parenting. Also, compared to veteran mothers, veteran fathers endorsed more corporal punishment to their children during the pandemic. Our study findings provide significant implications for Child Protective Services and VA services.
As the pandemic’s impacts may be lasting, we need more VA services and programs to support veterans’ family members and children, particularly addressing the effects of parental PTSD on parent-child interaction. Some risk factors, such as fathers’ needs, should be emphasized in service provision during the pandemic. Since the lack of knowledge and inability to navigate these resources is often a barrier to care among the veteran population, more outreach work can be done to ensure veterans and family members are aware of the available resources in the Department of Defense (DoD), VA, and community organizations serving veterans and their families.
There is a need to coordinate a range of services for veterans and their families impacted by harsh parenting. Given that harsh parenting could be viewed as a child maltreatment potential, The VA may consider adopting similar practices from the DoD Family Advocacy Program (FAP) that benefit active-duty members to prevent and treat child maltreatment. FAP encourages healthy relationships and nurturing parenting by providing parents with support services such as home visitation and lessons on effective and safe parenting. Additionally, FAP provides treatment, counseling, and rehabilitation for service members who use violence with a focus on addressing untreated trauma. All these features can potentially be incorporated into the existing VA services to foster the well-being of military children and families.
Specialized training on veteran families is necessary for child protective services (CPS) workers investigating veteran families, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic. CPS workers need to hold a trauma-informed perspective in their decision-making and service referrals. For example, referring veteran families to a veteran therapist may better address veteran parents’ unresolved trauma and other behavioral health issues. Gender and culturally responsive programs are needed to prevent and intervene in issues of harsh parenting among the veteran population.

Acknowledgements

The study was financially supported by Syracuse University Falk College Research Center (PI: X.W.) and Syracuse University Office of Undergraduate Research and Creative Engagement (PIs: L.R.P.-T. and C.L.S.).

Compliance with Ethical Standards

Conflict of Interest

The authors declare no competing interests.

Ethical Approval

This study included human participants, so it has been approved by Syracuse University IRB.
Informed consent was obtained from each participant before completing the survey.
Open Access This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License, which permits use, sharing, adaptation, distribution and reproduction in any medium or format, as long as you give appropriate credit to the original author(s) and the source, provide a link to the Creative Commons licence, and indicate if changes were made. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article’s Creative Commons licence, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. If material is not included in the article’s Creative Commons licence and your intended use is not permitted by statutory regulation or exceeds the permitted use, you will need to obtain permission directly from the copyright holder. To view a copy of this licence, visit http://​creativecommons.​org/​licenses/​by/​4.​0/​.
Publisher’s note Springer Nature remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
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Metagegevens
Titel
How the COVID-19 Pandemic Influenced Veteran Parents’ Harsh Parenting: Do Parental PTSD and Parental Role Matter?
Auteurs
Xiafei Wang
Choyang L. Sherpa
Lisette R. Piera-Tyree
Brooks B. Gump
Kenneth J. Marfilius
Jennifer C. Genovese
Carrie J. Smith
Jacqueline Allen
Publicatiedatum
18-09-2024
Uitgeverij
Springer US
Gepubliceerd in
Journal of Child and Family Studies / Uitgave 10/2024
Print ISSN: 1062-1024
Elektronisch ISSN: 1573-2843
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s10826-024-02910-2