Poor child emotional health can influence child development, interfere with daily functioning, and impact well-being into adulthood (Ghandour et al.,
2019; Ogundele,
2018). Over the last two decades, the prevalence of emotional disorders such as anxiety and depression in children in the U.S. has steadily increased (Bethell et al.,
2022; Bitsko et al.,
2018; Ghandour et al.,
2019), though it still may be underestimated secondary to well-studied barriers to accessing mental health diagnosis and treatment services in disadvantaged communities (Alegria et al.,
2010; Ghandour et al.,
2019; Marrast et al.,
2016). At almost $11 billion annually, the costs associated with child mental health conditions are higher than for any other child health disorder (Davis,
2014; Ghandour et al.,
2019).
Child Emotional Dysfunction and Unmet Social Needs
Given the known associations between poverty and economic disadvantage and multiple child physical health outcomes, it is not surprising that low household income is associated with higher rates of child emotional dysfunction (Council on Community Pediatrics et al.,
2016; Ghandour et al.,
2019; Harris & Santos,
2020; Ogundele,
2018). Evidence suggests that associations between poverty and child health are mediated by poverty-related social risk factors and social needs (Beck et al.,
2016; Bethell et al.,
2022; Fierman et al.,
2016; Rodems & Shaefer,
2020).
Social risk factors include specific adverse social conditions associated with poor health (Alderwick & Gottlieb,
2019; Bethell et al.,
2022). While some ambiguity still exists in identifying the most salient social risk factors for child health, multiple health professionals and policy organizations have delineated and recommended screening for common domains of risk that include food, housing, employment, transportation, financial strain, safety, and access to health care (Kreuter et al.,
2021). The construct of
social needs extends the concept of social risk to include individual preferences, emphasizing the patient’s shared role in identifying and prioritizing social interventions based on their perception of their most pressing needs (Alderwick & Gottlieb,
2019; Kreuter et al.,
2021). Studies have distinguished between the concepts of income poverty and unmet social needs, highlighting that families may experience persistent social needs even if they only endure short-term or transient episodes of income poverty, and that unmet social needs may contribute more to stress than income poverty (Neckerman et al.,
2016; Rodems & Shaefer,
2020; Zilanawala & Pilkauskas,
2012).
Over 50% of Latinx households report having any social needs, as compared to 34% of White, non-Latinx households, regardless of income poverty level (Karpman et al.,
2018), yet the relationship between unmet social needs and health outcomes in this population is understudied. Global economic hardship is associated with an increased risk for depression in Latinx parents (Ayon et al.,
2010; Harris & Santos,
2020), and food insecurity is independently associated with serious psychological distress in Latinx adult populations (Becerra et al.,
2015). Mothers that experience economic hardship are at higher risk for both depression (Arroyo-Borrell et al.,
2017; Ayon et al.,
2010; Harris & Santos,
2020; Zilanawala & Pilkauskas,
2012) and parenting stress (Duran et al.,
2018; Luecken et al.,
2013), and maternal depression and stress have each been independently linked to child emotional dysfunction (Arroyo-Borrell et al.,
2017; Duran et al.,
2018; Larson et al.,
2008). Poor maternal mental health may negatively impact child emotional health by exposing the child to, or limiting the parent’s ability to protect the child from, chronic stress in the environment (Shonkoff & Garner,
2012). A strong and compelling body of evidence demonstrates that structural determinants are the root causes of maternal health inequities experienced by Latinx and BIPOC populations in the U.S., and supports the movement away from interventions that unjustly hold individuals rather than systems responsible for health outcomes (Crear-Perry et al.,
2020). This research suggests that advancing upstream solutions to reduce or mitigate social needs is critical to support maternal and child mental health.
Despite this preliminary work, the research on maternal-child emotional health specific to unmet social needs in U.S. Latinx populations is sparse. The paucity of evidence may be due in part to barriers in participant recruitment and data collection unique to this group (Alegria et al.,
2010; Hopwood et al.,
2009). Much of the current data that exists on these topics is gathered from large survey-based population studies that fail to include sizeable numbers of Latinx families (Hopwood et al.,
2009). Evidence on emotional disorders in Latinx populations is additionally limited because many studies fail to account for cultural influences on survey item endorsement and social desirability bias – participants’ tendency to provide responses that they consider to be more favorable or acceptable (Hopwood et al.,
2009). The sensitive nature of social needs, particularly around the use of public benefits, also has raised concern for social needs underreporting (Meyer et al., (
2015)).
Biomarkers of Stress
The limitations of survey-based research related to emotional health and social needs in Latinx populations have spurred interest in physiologic measures of stress that can be used as proxies for emotional health. The rationale for using physiologic biomarkers of child emotional dysfunction is that chronic stress exposure activates certain inflammatory and hormonal processes at persistent and eventually harmful levels, and in some cases this chronic stress alters gene regulation or expression, or brain structure and function, which impacts emotional health (Bates et al.,
2017; Ogundele,
2018; Shonkoff & Garner,
2012). Release of the glucocorticoid hormone, cortisol, produces diverse genomic, metabolic, and physiological changes in response to stress (Khoury et al.,
2019) and is now widely used as a biomarker for stress in both adults and children (Bates et al.,
2017; Khoury et al.,
2019). Studies have found elevated cortisol levels to correlate with poverty (Evans & English,
2002; Luecken et al.,
2013), anxiety or depression symptoms (Pervanidou et al.,
2013), food insecurity (Ling et al.,
2019), and reports of racial discrimination (Berger & Sarnyai,
2015), among other outcomes. Some studies also have explored the concordance between cortisol levels of mothers and their children in response to stress, and the factors that may moderate this relationship (Braren et al.,
2019; Bryson et al.,
2020; Dauegaard et al.,
2020; Doan et al.,
2020; Hollenbach et al.,
2019; Johnson et al.,
2018; Ling et al.,
2020; Ludmer Nofech-Mozes et al.,
2020). However, little research on biomarkers of stress has focused on Latinx mothers and children.
Rates of child emotional dysfunction and stress in the U.S. are high. Reducing these rates will require recognizing the multifactorial etiology of these disorders and developing interventions across the many relevant domains of child and family well-being (Bethell et al.,
2022). A small but growing body of literature suggests that unmet social needs contribute to child emotional dysfunction and stress. This work is particularly relevant to Latinx people, who make up over 18% of the U.S. population (Office of Minority Health,
2021) and experience a disproportionate share of both poor mental health outcomes (Macias Gil et al.,
2020; Marrast et al.,
2016; Paz & Massey,
2016) and social risk (Rodems & Shaefer,
2020), yet have been underrepresented in the existing literature on this topic. A better understanding of associations between unmet social needs, stress biomarkers, and mental health outcomes in Latinx families can be used to inform meaningful clinical or policy interventions that address mental health disparities in this high risk and marginalized population.
Discussion
To our knowledge, this is the first study in the U.S. to examine household social needs and maternal stress as predictors of child emotional dysfunction and child HCC in a sample of low-income and majority Spanish-preferring Latinx families. Over 40% of the children in the sample had emotional dysfunction, a staggering finding given the evidence that low income and Latinx youth are less likely to be diagnosed with and receive treatment for emotional disorders than those from higher income or non-Latinx households (Alegria et al.,
2010; Ghandour et al.,
2019; Marrast et al.,
2016). Similar to previous findings in non-Latinx (Bryson et al.,
2020; Dauegaard et al.,
2020; Doan et al.,
2020; Schloß et al.,
2019) and Latinx (Hollenbach et al.,
2019) populations, maternal HCC was strongly associated with child HCC. This finding may indicate heritability of HCC and/or shared environmental risk factors.
The level of social needs in this sample was also striking. Approximately 90% of mothers reported having at least one social need, and over one-third reported having at least five needs. This far exceeds numbers for Latinx households reported in national survey research (Karpman et al.,
2018). Our study is unique in that we asked about a large number of possible social needs, whereas much of the existing evidence in this area focuses on only a few domains of economic hardship (Bethell et al.,
2022; Neckerman et al.,
2016; Rodems & Shaefer,
2020; Zilanawala & Pilkauskas,
2012). Accordingly, we acknowledge that our broader assessment may explain the higher summative levels identified in our study, though there were other indicators that this is indeed a high needs sample. For instance, problems paying bills and housing instability were the most frequent concerns for our participants, consistent with a previous report that these are the most common social needs in Latinx families with children (Schmeer,
2012). Difficulty finding after-school activities for children was also a common concern and was the only individual need that significantly predicted higher odds of child emotional dysfunction.
While we did not have information about participants’ immigration status, it is plausible that immigration influenced the study’s urban, predominantly Spanish-preferring population. Threats of impending changes to policies affecting or affected by immigration status that occurred during the HASII study’s enrollment period, such as those expected to the “public charge rule,” negatively impacted enrollment in public assistance programs, including immigrant communities’ enrollment in Medicaid (Bustamante et al.,
2022; Miller et al.,
2022; Wang et al.,
2022). It is possible that fear associated with the public charge rule or other programs – e.g. programs that require documentation of immigration status or that depend on English fluency – may partially explain the high rates of social needs in our sample. Despite the recent reversal of the public charge rule, evidence suggests that its impact on immigrant communities’ trust in public programs will persist (Bustamante et al.,
2022), further underscoring the lasting harm of discriminatory policymaking.
Counter to our original hypotheses, level of social needs did not independently predict greater risk of parent-reported child emotional dysfunction. One theory that explains this lack of association is that a mother’s awareness of household social needs does not necessarily correlate with her child’s experience. For example, parents may struggle with financial concerns such as paying bills or food insecurity without their child’s knowledge, or families in households with food insecurity may prioritize feeding their children first (or instead) so that the child never goes hungry. Conversely, difficulty finding afterschool care or activities is a need that may be much more apparent to a child, which could explain why it was associated with greater emotional dysfunction in our sample. Alternatively, the child’s emotional response to high household social needs may somehow be mitigated by other supportive factors known to exist in Latinx populations. The HASII study did not include measures of resilience for us to explore this concept further, but previous studies have documented characteristics of resilience in Latinx families facing different forms of social adversity (Linton et al.,
2016; Perreira et al.,
2019). “Familismo” is the concept of strong family ties and values that is central to most Latinx cultures (Ayon et al.,
2010; Lawton et al.,
2014), and is thought to serve as a buffer against many risk factors that can contribute to physical or mental health problems in this population (Ayon et al.,
2010; Filion et al.,
2018; Potochnick & Perreira,
2010; Ruiz et al.,
2018). For example, in multiple studies of Latinx families, strength of the parent-youth relationship has been shown to be a buffer between parental stress and child emotional problems (Ayon et al.,
2010; Frasquilho et al.,
2016; Lorenzo-Blanco et al.,
2017; Palermo et al.,
2018; Perreira et al.,
2019). It is also important to consider that the high overall level of needs and emotional dysfunction in our sample may have limited our ability to detect statistically significant associations between these two variables.
Level of social needs did not independently predict greater risk of being in the highest tertile of child HCC, again in contrast to our hypothesis that social needs would be positively associated with child stress. Our secondary exploration of individual needs also revealed no significant associations between specific social needs and child HCC. This is consistent with a recent study of non-Latinx infants and toddlers that found neither cumulative adversity nor multiple individual adversity indicators were significantly associated with HCC (Bryson et al.,
2019). These findings contribute to an already conflicting research base on the associations between social needs and HCC in Latinx children. For example, one recent study showed higher child HCC was associated with greater food insecurity (Ling et al.,
2019) while another showed no association between these variables (Distel et al.,
2019). In addition to the theories related to child emotional experience discussed above, another theory that could explain the lack of association with child HCC is that prolonged stress exposure can result in a blunted cortisol response, although this has only been shown in studies examining HCC in non-Latinx populations (Dowd et al.,
2009; Koumantarou Malisiova et al.,
2020; Ouellette et al.,
2015; Raffington et al.,
2018; Solarikova et al.,
2020). According to this theory, a family’s chronic stress from the inability to meet household social needs results in a dampening of the child’s ability to mount a physiologic stress response. There is still much to learn about how biomarkers can contribute to our understanding of stress and emotional functioning, particularly in ethnically diverse pediatric populations (Stalder et al.,
2017).
Mothers in this relatively large local Latinx sample seeking healthcare primarily preferred Spanish, and had low education and very low incomes, which is consistent with the demographic of Latinx populations living in poverty in the U.S. (Fontenot et al. (
2018)). Language is often used as a measure of acculturation (Torres et al.,
2012), indicating that our sample may have included a large percentage of immigrants with lower levels of acculturation. Our findings contradict previous evidence related to the “Hispanic health paradox”, which proposes that less acculturated Latinx immigrants experience genetic, lifestyle, or cultural protective factors over their U.S. born or more acculturated Latinx counterparts that contribute to better health outcomes (Perreira et al.,
2019; Ruiz et al.,
2018; Teruya & Bazargan-Hejazi,
2013). The significant level of reported child emotional dysfunction and high HCC in mothers and children in our less acculturated sample could provide support for another body of literature that refutes the paradox theory, although we lack a substantial comparison group to test these assumptions. The paradox theory has been criticized for relying on methodology that favors healthier research participants and likely under-reports morbidity and mortality in immigrant populations (Ceballos & Palloni,
2010; Teruya & Bazargan-Hejazi,
2013); more research on this topic is warranted.
Limitations
Our study findings should be interpreted with the consideration of five key limitations. First, our outcomes should be considered with acknowledgement of their limitations to generalizability. Convenience sampling was used in the original trial and sampling probabilities for all participants are unknown. Our study sample was restricted to low-income families seeking pediatric healthcare services in a single county hospital setting, as well as to families who were chosen for and consented to participate in a clinical trial and had time to complete study activities. Second, the cross-sectional study design of this baseline data analysis means we cannot infer the directionality of any statistical associations. Third, our findings should be considered in the context of limited research on social screening instrument validity. The screening questions used in the original study were developed de novo prior to the development of multi-domain social screening tools now being used more commonly in practice settings, though none of these has been tested using gold standard psychometric and pragmatic validity testing procedures (Henrikson et al.,
2019). Further, our assessment of child emotional functioning relied on parent proxy-report only and did not include self-report or observational data that could have reduced the potential for response bias. Fourth, in this study, 30% of children were missing hair samples because they were either not obtained or samples were insufficient for analysis. This may have resulted in an over-estimation of some of the associations we report, though many of the measured demographic and health characteristics between those included and excluded from this sub-analysis were similar. Finally, data may also be subject to unmeasured influence by other variables that are associated with child emotional functioning and stress (e.g. immigration status, acculturation stress, parenting style) but were not collected as part of the HASII study.
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