Introduction
Electronics are undisputedly increasingly pervasive in peoples’ daily lives. This is especially true for children; 95% of U.S. teens say they own or at least have access to a smartphone, and 88% a computer [
1]. A multi-wave study by the Kaiser Foundation found that from 1999 to 2009, child daily media use increased by 69 min, and media exposure increased by over 3 h [
2]. Although there are benefits of electronics for children, potential negative associations with childhood mental health are an emerging topic of interest in current research. There is some evidence that greater child anxiety is associated with higher overall levels of general electronic media use [
3‐
6], as well as with greater use of specific types of electronics, such as video games [
5,
7‐
9], and social media [
9‐
12]. However, prior research has not examined whether such associations with anxiety remain significant after controlling for depression, which is often comorbid with anxiety. Further, it is not clear whether parent or child reports of electronic media use are equally associated with child mental health. The goal of the current study was to address these questions.
The definition of electronic media use (EMU) varies across the extant literature. General EMU studies typically include total computer use and television use, and somewhat less commonly total cellphone use and tablet use in their definitions. The American Academy of Pediatrics, when discussing “screen time,” counts television, movies, social media, and video games in their definition [
13]. As another example, Lange et al. included television, computer/internet, video games, total screen time, mobile phones, and music in their definition of EMU [
14]. Of note, most studies are not focused on the media content, but rather are on the time spent using electronic media. These variations in definition of EMU need to be considered when reviewing extant literature on EMU and will be noted in descriptions of studies below.
A body of research has shown EMU to be associated with degradation of a number of different aspects of childhood health. For example, greater EMU has been associated with reduced quantity and quality of sleep, [
14,
15], heavier weight [
16], and higher metabolic risk scores, calculated from cholesterol levels, hemoglobin levels, waist size, and various measures of blood pressure, [
17]. Greater EMU has also been associated with nonphysical measures of health, such as children’s life satisfaction [
9,
18], and their mental health [
6]. In particular, previous studies have found positive correlations between EMU and anxiety levels. Maras et al. analyzed cross-sectional data on Canadian youth and found a positive association between EMU duration (television, computer, and video game use across weekdays and weekends) and anxiety severity. Cao et al. also found a positive correlation between general EMU (television use and computer use) and anxiety in their study of Chinese adolescents [
3]. Other studies have found correlations between “Problematic Technology Use” and anxiety [
5], and between general EMU and anxiety over a 4 year span [
4]. Thus, the literature suggests that there is an association between greater EMU and higher anxiety in children, though the direction of causality remains unclear.
Relatedly, other studies have found positive associations between child EMU and depression [
6]. Twenge et al. [
19] found that depression and the time spent using electronics were positively associated in annual nationally representative surveys, with these relationships increasing over a six-year span of such surveys, starting in 2009. A meta-analysis by Liu et al. came to similar conclusions, finding a positive association between electronic use and depression [
20]. However, importantly, none of the studies described above addressed the issue of comorbidity between anxiety and depression, which is common [
21‐
23]. More specifically, most studies did not control for depression when examining relationships to anxiety, nor did they control for anxiety when examining relationships to depression. Thus, an open question is whether there are unique relationships between either anxiety or depression and EMU that are not accounted for by comorbidity with the other.
This research raises the question of why anxiety and/or depression might be associated with EMU. One possibility is that individuals with anxiety and/or depression use EMU to cope with or avoid their negative emotional experiences. Anxiety and depression have repeatedly been linked to people’s levels of experiential avoidance, defined as the effort to suppress unwanted emotions and experiences, while not changing the emotions and experiences themselves. For example, Epkins defines experiential avoidance as involving “engaging in emotion regulation strategies or behaviors aimed to suppress, avoid, or escape undesirable thoughts, emotions, physical bodily sensations, or other unpleasant private experiences” [
24]. Venta et al. found an association between experiential avoidance and anxiety in inpatient adolescents, with anxiety associated with experiential avoidance even when controlling for depression [
25]. Epkins also found that experiential avoidance correlated with child depression, as well as with anxiety and social anxiety even when controlling for depression [
24]. This link between anxiety and avoidance raises the possibility that EMU could be a way that anxious children, and potentially also depressed children, engage in experiential avoidance.
Different categories of EMU may also show distinct relationships to anxiety versus depression, either overall, or within specific genders, though findings have been mixed. For example, research has shown a relationship between video gaming and anxiety in both males and females [
8,
9], but other work found this relationship only in males [
7], and other work did not find such a relationship in either sex [
5]. Other research has examined social media usage, which has been associated with anxiety [
9,
12], anxiety predicted from social media fatigue (defined as mental exhaustion after digital information and interaction overload) [
11], and poorer well-being, though in some studies only in females [
10]. A survey conducted by the Royal Society for Public Health found that, on average, adolescents reported increased anxiety and depression after using Facebook, Twitter, Snapchat, and Instagram [
26]. These findings are consistent with the hypothesis that social media use could be contributing to increases in anxiety or depression symptoms, potentially through social comparison [
12,
27]. More research is needed to examine specific types of electronic media use in relationships to child anxiety and/or depression.
Another open issue is whether parent or child reports of EMU differentially predict anxiety or depression. The majority of research asks children for report of EMU, compared to parents. Studies have found relatively modest correlations between parent and child report of EMU [
28,
29] and research has mixed results in who reports more EMU [
28‐
32]. Lower reports by parents may reflect parents perceiving that they have greater control over their child’s EMU than they actually do. In these cases, it is also possible that children inflate their report of EMU so as to boost their social standings among their peers. Tweens tend to report that their parents know “a lot” about their media use more than teens do, suggesting that age may factor into report discrepancies [
33]. If parent report tends to underestimate EMU in children, it is possible that child report will be more strongly related to anxiety and/or depression levels.
As described above, there is growing evidence that overall EMU is associated with a variety of negative child mental health outcomes. However, there are a number of open questions in the literature in regard to the relationship between EMU and child mental health. The goal of the current analyses was to address the following questions using data from a large-scale study of 9- to 11-year-old children in the United States—the Adolescent Brain Cognitive Development (ABCD) Study. First, we asked whether there was a relationship between overall EMU and anxiety in the ABCD Study, to determine whether we could replicate previous findings in the literature of such a relationship. Second, we asked whether there was a relationship between overall EMU and depression, and whether the relationships of EMU and anxiety held if we controlled for depression. We predicted that overall EMU would remain related to anxiety even when controlling for depression if anxious children used EMU as a coping mechanism. Third, we also asked whether there were any differential relationships of child versus parent report of EMU to anxiety and/or depression. We predicted that child report would be more strongly related to anxiety than parent report, given the evidence reviewed above about parent’s potential underreporting child EMU use. Lastly, we examined whether there were differential relationships of specific types of EMU to anxiety or depression, and whether there were any gender differences in these relationships. Given the existing literature described above, we expected that the video gaming and social networking categories of EMU would be the strongest predictors of anxiety or depression symptoms compared to television, movie watching, video watching (e.g. YouTube), texting, and video chatting.
Discussion
This study examined the relationship between EMU separately with anxiety and depression. Both anxiety and depression related to all or almost all measures of EMU, whether from parent report or child report. However, when controlling for depression, none of the EMU reports remained significantly associated with anxiety. In contrast, most of the depression associations remained when controlling for anxiety; only child weekday EMU lost its association with depression. In addition, we found that parent weekend EMU report independently predicted depression even when controlling for other EMU reports and anxiety. When looking at specific types of EMU, we found that video gaming and video chatting had the most robust associations with anxiety. In contrast, video watching had the most robust associations with depression. We also found an interaction with sex for child report of weekend EMU use predicting anxiety, with significant relationships for boys, but not girls. Each of these findings will be discussed in more detail below.
As expected, we found a significant relationship between EMU and anxiety for three of the four general EMU reports. These results fit well with prior research demonstrating an association between anxiety and EMU [
3‐
6]. Further, we also found significant relationships between depression and all four EMU measures, again consistent with previous literature [
3,
6,
19,
20]. However, after accounting for the comorbidity of depression with anxiety, none of the EMU reports remained significantly associated with anxiety. As such, our results suggest that the interpretation of findings from previous studies linking EMU to anxiety may need to be re-evaluated. The majority of these previous studies did not control for depression when examining relationships to anxiety [
3‐
6], and thus it is possible that their findings are more reflective of a relationship between EMU and depression, given the frequent comorbidity of anxiety and depression.
In contrast, three of the EMU relationships with depression remained significant even when controlling for anxiety. These results suggest a stronger relationship between EMU and depression compared to anxiety. Our findings are consistent with the body of literature linking EMU to depression in both children and adolescents [
6,
19,
20]. This relationship could suggest that children with depression are using EMU to cope with negative feelings. Alternatively (or in addition), a child’s depression could interfere with them engaging in non-EMU activities, particularly on the weekends, with EMU potentially becoming a default activity used to occupy their time. This explanation would be in line with the concept of experiential avoidance, again as described in the introduction [
24,
25]. These hypotheses suggest the possibility that modification of EMU might be a useful part of interventions designed to target child depression. EMU interventions, such as limiting time spent on electronics and encouragement of prosocial activities, might be effectively targeted for children at risk for depression, though it is less clear whether this would be as effective for anxiety. However, more evidence about the causal relationship between EMU and depression or anxiety is needed; if EMU is an outcome rather than a contributor to depression or anxiety, modifying EMU may have limited positive impact.
Of the four general EMU reports, parent weekend EMU report was the only significant independent predictor of depression, after accounting for anxiety. It is not entirely clear why parent weekend EMU report was an independent predictor of depression. It may be that the parent weekend EMU report captured something not captured in other measures. All measures of EMU were subjective, so it is possible that parent perception of weekend EMU and of child depression symptoms from the parent’s point of views correlated more strongly than other EMU measures. It could also be that it is more obvious when children are engaged in EMU on the weekends compared to weekdays, and parents may consider this EMU relative to engagement in other activities more than their children. Further research will be needed to confirm this particular strong relationship of parent reported EMU to depression, ideally with converging evidence from child as well as parent reported depression.
We found only very modest evidence of sex differences in the relationships between EMU and anxiety or depression. Child report of weekend EMU was more strongly associated with anxiety in boys than in girls, with no significant relationship in girls. The lack of significant relationships between girls’ use of electronics and their anxiety symptoms could indicate that girls use other methods to cope with anxiety, rather than using electronic media, if the relationship between EMU and anxiety in boys reflects a coping mechanism. If this finding were limited to the use of video games, it could reflect an overall greater engagement in video gaming by boys as compared to girls. However, we found this same pattern for all forms of EMU, even forms that are not more likely to be used by boys (e.g., texting). As for depression and EMU, the lack of sex differences could suggest that boys and girls at this age with depression symptoms do not use electronics in different ways to cope, or that depressive symptoms do not result from EMU in different ways for boys or girls.
As anticipated given previous literature [
7‐
9], anxiety was associated with weekday video gaming even after controlling for depression. This could potentially mean that children with anxiety symptoms use video games to cope on the weekdays rather than engaging in in-person activities after school. However, we did not anticipate the significant association between weekend video chatting and anxiety, a relationship that remained even after controlling for depression. One speculative hypothesis is that anxious children may use video chatting on the weekends because interacting with people through a screen feels less stressful for them. However, we would need more information on the content of children’s video chatting to better understand the nature of this relationship. In terms of depression, after controlling for anxiety, only video watching on the weekdays and weekends remained associated with depression. While we did not predict this, as noted above, it could reflect the possibility that children with depression are passively watching videos rather than engaging with peers or family members in extracurriculars or other activities on weekdays or weekends.
We found a significant association between television show and movie watching on the weekends with both anxiety and depression. These associations were lost with the controlling of anxiety for depression and depression for anxiety, suggesting that this relationship reflects a more general psychological distress factor. However, this finding contrasts with some prior work, such as the study by Mathers et al., which did not find an association between television watching and psychological wellbeing [
8]. Another unexpected finding was that child use of social media was only weakly associated with anxiety symptoms (associations that were lost when controlling for depression) and was not associated at all with depression symptoms. As noted in the introduction, some previous literature suggestions an association between social media use and anxiety [
9,
12]. However, our findings of a lack of association may reflect the current age of the children, as they displayed low levels of social media use; the average time spent on social media was the lowest value of all types of EMU both on weekdays and on weekends (Table
1). A stronger relationship between anxiety and/or depression and social media use may emerge as the children move into adolescence.
Limitations of this study include its current cross-sectional nature. Since the ABCD study has only released baseline data, longitudinal analyses are not possible at this time. This prevents stronger examination of causal relationships between EMU and anxiety or depression, though the longitudinal nature of the ABCD study will allow for such analyses in the future. Also, our findings were based on surveys and not on objective measures of EMU. The use of self-report or parent report surveys may not always accurately capture EMU, as parents may not be fully aware of all of their child’s electronic media use and children may not always be accurate reporters. Additionally, the use of hours of reported screen time as a measure of EMU, rather than other indices such as frequency of EMU, may miss important aspects of children’s use of technology [
42]; Rosen et al. [
43]. For example, the ABCD surveys do not assess potentially simultaneous use of multiple forms of EMU, nor do they fully capture the specific locations and devices that children are using for media consumption. However, it is challenging to use more direct or objective measures of technology use in very large studies such as the ABCD, though there are workgroups focused on identifying potential ways to add more objective measures to the ABCD study in the future. Further, parent reported anxiety and/or depression may not fully capture a child’s emotion experience, as the parent may not have full access to a child’s level of depression or anxiety, since some children may not articulate their feelings to their parents. As for children, self-report on measures of electronic use are subject to bias if the child cannot accurately estimate their use, or if the child inflates or deflates their use for social esteem or to appear a better-behaved child. Further, while our findings were significant, the effect sizes were small, with standardized beta weights in the range of 0.05 to 0.1. Thus, while we did find significant associations, the magnitude of these associations in this large population-based sample were small.
Future studies could benefit from inquiring about the nature of electronic media content. This could increase the specificity about what types of electronic media are most likely to be associated with child anxiety or depression. For example, a study by Holtz and Appel found that fantasy game players were significantly more likely to report internalizing problems than non-fantasy game players [
44]. Holtz and Appel also found that those who preferred first-person shooter games were more likely to report externalizing problems. These results support the notion of that the content of certain types of EMU may relate differentially to certain types of psychological issues. Another important avenue for future research would be to inquire about the social nature of children’s EMU. For example, the present study does not ask whether children were watching television and movies with others, or if they were playing multi-player games or playing with other children. EMU that occurs in a social context may have different relationships to children’s mental health compared to solitary EMU. In addition to these directions, as future waves of data from the ABCD become available it will be possible to examine trajectories of EMU, anxiety, and depression, as well as examine leading and lagging relationships that may help identify causal relationships. Observing trends for EMU and psychological symptoms over multiple years may help elucidate the direction of relationships between EMU and anxiety and/or depression. Further, we may also find that the relationship between EMU and anxiety and/or depression changes as children move through different developmental periods and as different types of EMU use change in frequency or availability in the same children used for this analysis. Indeed, there is some evidence that psychological problems can be more associated with categories of EMU for teens than for preteens [
43].
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