Identity development is a core developmental task during adolescence (Erikson,
1968) that has important implications for youth’s future adaptation. For immigrant adolescents, developing an identity might be especially challenging. Apart from the more universal aspects of identity in terms of exploration of and decisions over the domains of education and interpersonal relationships (conceptualized as personal identity in the current study), immigrant youth must also explore and commit to often conflicting aspects of social identity, like ethnic identity and national identity. Ethnic, national, and personal identities have most often been studied in disparate literatures, hindering the understanding of how these dynamic and intertwined developmental processes unfold. The current study aimed at investigating the concurrent and longitudinal links between the exploration of, and commitment to personal, national, and ethnic identities by immigrant youth. These links were studied separately for exploration and commitment using a cross-lagged panel modelling approach. Three main results emerged. First, robust positive within-time associations among all three identity domains emerged, at all three time points, both for exploration and commitment. Second, there was some evidence for longitudinal negative cross-lagged links between national and ethnic identities for both exploration and commitment, indicating that adolescents who explore and/or commit more to national Greek identity tend to explore and/or commit less to their ethnic identity the following year, and vice versa. However, for the most part, ethnic and/or national identity processes were not longitudinally linked to personal identity processes. Third, most significant cross-lagged effects happened in the first time-window, between T1 and T2. Sensitivity multigroup analyses based on immigrant generation (first vs second generation) and ethnicity (Albanian, Pontian Greek, Others) largely supported these results, notwithstanding the small sizes of some of these sub-samples. These findings contribute to the growing literature on the interplay of personal and social identity development among immigrant and ethnically and racially diverse youth. Further, these findings need to be considered in light of the developmental stage of this study (early adolescence), as well as in light of the broader societal context in contemporary Greece, which is a highly assimilatory society (Pavlopoulos & Motti-Stefanidi,
2017).
Concurrent Links between Immigrant Youth’s Personal, Ethnic, and National Identities
For both exploration and commitment, positive concurrent correlations between personal, ethnic, and national identities were found for all time points. That is, immigrant adolescents who engaged in relatively greater exploration in one of these identity domains, also tended to engage in relatively greater exploration in the other two domains. Similarly, immigrant adolescents who endorsed relatively higher commitment to one of these identity domains, also tended to report relatively stronger commitments to the other two domains.
This pattern of positive concurrent correlations indicates that these identity domains are part of a broader self-system (Oyserman et al.,
2012). The documented positive correlated change supports the idea that ethnic, national and personal identities form a ‘base-layer’ upon which the quest for identity is built. Recent meta-analytic evidence also suggests that exploration and commitment are universal aspects of identity, not necessarily tapping specific domains (Yip et al.,
2019). As Yip et al. (
2019) note, Erikson’s ideas (1968) were not specific to ‘personal’, or ‘ethnic’, or ‘national’ identities, but rather more generic about exploring and knowing who one is. The results of the current study are in line with the argument that forming an identity, particularly in the case of immigrant youth, involves exploration and commitment with respect to aspects of the self, such as roles, values, beliefs, and lifestyles (Erikson,
1968), as well as with respect to the meaning that one’s ethnic and national background have for the individual (Umaña-Taylor et al.,
2014).
Longitudinal Links between Immigrant Youth’s Personal, Ethnic, and National Identities
Overall, only four of the 24 cross-lagged effects emerged as significant, which is not surprising. Because of the strong autoregressive stability that emerged over time and the robust within-time associations among all three identity domains for both exploration and commitment, there remained little variance to be explained by cross-lagged effects. Furthermore, the relative scarcity of many longitudinal effects paired with the robust and consistent emergence of strong concurrent effects implies that the dynamics among different identity processes and domains might be taking place in shorter timescales than from year-to-year, as recent research on adolescent development shows (Boele et al.,
2021). From the significant cross-lagged effects, two general findings are noteworthy.
First, a greater number of cross-lagged associations was documented in the first time window, between T1 and T2, than in the second time window, between T2 and T3. Developmental and contextual approaches might explain this finding. Even though identity work might already have started before early adolescence, it is exactly this period when identity work becomes more salient (Crocetti et al.,
2008). Given the emergence of identity work as a developmental task at this stage, a livelier dynamic between processes might be expected. In addition, this study took place during the three years of middle school; during T1 students had just changed schools, having transitioned from primary to secondary education. This broad change in context includes a change in young adolescents’ social environment including new schoolmates and friendships; these changes might have sparked the importance of their immigrant background, and possibly its distinctiveness from the majority group, intensifying, thus, identity dynamics. This way, the identity dynamics during the immediate post-transition phase might be more intense compared to the identity dynamics after they have spent at least a year in the same school environment.
A second general finding was that, in agreement with hypotheses, both in the case of identity exploration and identity commitment, several negative cross-lagged links were observed between national and ethnic identities. Specifically, for the total sample it was found that relatively higher exploration of ethnic identity at T1 predicted relative decreases in exploration of national identity at T2, which in turn predicted further relative increases in exploration of ethnic identity at T3. Furthermore, it was found that relatively higher commitment to ethnic identity at T1 predicted relative decreases in commitment to national identity at T2, and vice versa. Again, developmental and contextual considerations might explain these findings. From a cognitive-developmental perspective (Amiot et al.,
2007), early adolescence is a developmental stage when multiple aspects of identity are mostly compartmentalized and context-dependent. Identity integration, the fourth and last stage in the cognitive-developmental model of identity (Amiot et al.,
2007), happens later, from middle adolescence onwards. It is possible, therefore, that this negative longitudinal interplay between ethnic and national identities would be weaker or even absent if this study extended to middle adolescence and beyond. Furthermore, these findings reflect the attitudes of more assimilationist receiving societies (Ward & Geeraert,
2016), such as Greece (Pavlopoulos & Motti-Stefanidi,
2017). In assimilationist societies, immigrant people are forced to choose between the national culture and their own culture, resulting in a negative relation between the two (Ward & Geeraert,
2016). In such a societal context, dual identities, which would be reflected in a positive relation between ethnic and national identities, may be contested by the receiving society, as well as by immigrants’ co-ethnic community (Schwartz et al.,
2018; Wiley et al.,
2019). Thus, in such countries, a strong national orientation and identity may be incompatible with a strong orientation towards, and sense of belonging to, one’s ethnic culture. In fact, recent evidence even from more accepting societies like the Dutch, showed that stronger enactment of dual identity by immigrant youth was associated with stronger identity denial by their peers (Cárdenas et al.,
2021). Thus, given the strong context-dependence of identity integration during this developmental stage (Amiot et al.,
2007), it stands to reason that immigrant youth experience the identity processes (exploration and commitment) between ethnic and national identity domains as incompatible.
This incompatibility found in the current study might be worrisome. Existing evidence shows that a favourable outcome of identity development (Umaña-Taylor et al.,
2014) is identity integration, whereby youth can combine and synthesize varying aspects of their identity, without having to choose some aspects against some others. Therefore, stakeholders and practitioners might need to focus on interventions to promote identity integration, by reducing the incompatibility between ethnic and national identity processes in assimilationist contexts, like the one of the current study.
There was little support regarding the longitudinal links of personal identity with ethnic and national identity. The results differed for the two identity processes (commitment, exploration). Regarding commitment, the longitudinal links of personal identity commitment with ethnic and national identity commitment, were expected to be bidirectional. However, this hypothesis received no longitudinal support. In contrast, regarding exploration, the examination of the link of personal identity exploration with ethnic and national identity exploration was exploratory and received some support. Thus, overall, fewer cross-lagged effects involving personal identity emerged, compared to cross-lagged effects between ethnic and national identities. Given the aforementioned positive cross-sectional links indicating that exploration and commitment processes in different domains (ethnic, national, personal) take place in parallel, the question that arises is why ethnic and/or national identity processes have little longitudinal influence on personal identity processes, and vice versa?
A potential explanation in what regards exploration is that for immigrant youth, and given the assimilationist Greek context, exploring more what their heritage culture means to them is so demanding, that it might absorb their energy to question friendships and educational choices. In other words, for minority youth in assimilationist contexts, group membership might be more salient and thus more urgently needing addressing and exploring, whereas exploring educational and friendship goals and plans can take a ‘back seat’ to that. An alternative possible explanation is that immigrant youth who have explored their ethnic group membership are more certain who they are and ‘settle’ into their current friends and education and need no longer to explore other education/friend goals.
Regarding personal identity commitment, however, the lack of significant cross-lagged effects from and to either ethnic or national identity commitments implies that, commitment in education and friendships remains relatively sealed from the negative dynamic between national and ethnic commitment. That is, regardless the negatively charged dynamic between ethnic and national identities and their relative standing in these aspects of social identity, immigrant youth can still commit strongly to education and friendships. Given the important implications of personal identity commitment, as conceptualized in this study, for future psychosocial adaptation (Kaniušonytė et al.,
2019), this tentative dissociation of personal identity commitment from questions of national and ethnic identity might be an interesting topic to investigate further in future studies.
Strengths, Limitations, and Future Directions
This study has several strengths that add credibility to the conclusions. First, the longitudinal design of this study allowed a focus on the developmental processes that are at play in immigrant youth identity development. Second, the panel design with several repeated measurements of different domains of identity development allowed a look into the dynamics between the disparate fields of personal, ethnic, and national identity research. Accordingly, based on the present findings, suggestions were offered for advancing theoretical enterprise on identity development across personal and social identity domains to increase a cross-talk between these literatures and generate a more nuanced account of youth’s quest for identity. Third, the sample comes from Greece, a country that receives a large volume immigration in the European Union but tends to be underrepresented in research.
Despite this study’s strengths, several limitations are noteworthy in interpreting the study’s conclusions, which also provide opportunities for future research. First, the results were based solely on self-report measures. Even though self-reports are often a legitimate means of investigating internal, psychological processes, such as identity development, other methods (e.g., observed behaviour) could have enriched the current data and might have provided additional insights. Second, some of the scales in this study showed moderate internal consistency coefficient, which might have affected the results. Third, the conceptualization of personal identity was based on exploration and commitment in the domains of education and friendships. Despite this conceptualization being based on a sound framework and measurement instrument (Crocetti et al.,
2008), which has been commonly used in developmental research on identity (Crocetti et al.,
2017), investigating dynamic development at multiple timescales (Becht et al.,
2021), such a conceptualization might differ from other conceptualizations, such as personal identity as ‘coherence’ and ‘confusion’, in relevant research (Meca et al.,
2017). Fourth, this study only used annual assessments. It is possible that behavioural and psychological processes involved in identity development might be taking place at shorter time scales, such as months, weeks, days, or even moment-to-moment interactions between a young person and their social environments. Thus, future studies will be wise to measure identity developmental processes at these different timescales. This approach could offer a more detailed look into the (micro) processes that are at play when youth are in the quest for identity development. Fifth, the present sample was not randomly chosen; instead, schools in urban areas with high immigrant density were oversampled. Therefore, the results presented herein might not represent immigrant youth living in other urban areas less densely populated with immigrants or in rural areas. Future research should also examine identity development processes across multiple contexts as permitted by ecological-momentary sampling. Another promising avenue for future research centres on using person-centred approaches, as opposed to variable-centered ones on which the present study relied, to represent distinct constellations of personal, ethnic, and national identity during adolescence (Cheon et al.,
2020).