Early childhood is a crucial time for emotional development and it forms the basis of social competence [
1,
2]. It is the time during which emotional abilities can be acquired effectively as the recognition and understanding of emotions develop rapidly between ages three and six years [
3‐
7]. Social competence refers to one’s ability to reach a goal by using one’s social skills and interacting with others [
8]. It is widely considered an important part of early childhood social development and a predictor of children’s future ability to build social relationships [
9‐
11]. A child’s development of social competence can help them successfully adjust to adult life in terms of mental health, wellbeing, and marriage in later life [
12,
13]. Therefore, examining the relationship between social competence and emotional abilities in early childhood can help reveal individual differences in children's social competence and suggest directions for social and emotional education.
Among the emotional abilities, the skills to understand and recognize the emotions of others are reported to predict many future social outcomes [
14‐
16]; thus, distinguishing emotional skills from other abilities is both theoretically and methodologically important [
8]. The Assessment of Children’s Emotional Skills (ACES) was developed in the United States for this purpose in 2004, and our study modified this existing ACES tool to suit the Korean context. We then validated the Korean version of the ACES by administering the test to young Korean children.
Children’s Emotional Skills and Social Competence
Young children experience a variety of social conflicts while interacting with their peers, and all children exhibit different levels of socially competent behavior in these situations [
14]. Researchers have explored variables that might describe the processes by which children become socially competent. Studies about social competence have progressed along two parallel paths. One path has been followed by researchers who have focused on children’s emotional abilities, and the other by those who have focused on children’s social problem-solving skills and social information processing (SIP).
Many researchers have been interested in emotional abilities as the basis of social behavior [
7,
17‐
21]. Emotional skill is a concept that includes emotion attribution and understanding. Children’s understanding of emotions (their emotional knowledge) is closely related to individual differences in social behaviors and adjustment [
8,
14,
22‐
25]. Emotion researchers found that the ability to recognize and name emotions is related to social adaptation, peer relationships, and prosocial behavior [
16,
23,
24,
26].
Several studies following the second path described earlier—the SIP model—have shown key explanatory power over the past 30 years. The basic premise of the SIP model is that children’s understanding and interpretation of social problem-solving situations influence their behavior [
27]. The initial model (see Dodge, 1986, p. 84) assumes that cognitive biases or defects present at each step can lead children to develop or express maladaptive behaviors such as aggression, and emphasizes the importance of cognitive processing in social problem-solving [
28,
29]. Subsequently, Crick and Dodge proposed a revised SIP model [
30] (see p. 74) by supplementing the initial model. The model explains that children’s social behavior occurs through six stages: encoding of cues, interpretation of cues, clarification of goals, response access of construction, response decision, and behavioral enactment. While the initial model [
28] emphasized only the importance of the cognitive process in social adaptation, it was revised through subsequent studies [
29,
30] to include, emotional elements (e.g., emotional arousal, emotional state, and the experience of affect) as an important component of the SIP process. Even aggressive children may be less likely to interpret social cues as aggressive if they develop their emotional skills and learn to attribute the cause of emotional situations in different, less confrontational ways [
25,
31].
In the same context, scholars have suggested that the development of social competence requires multilateral capabilities that integrate cognitive, emotional, and behavioral skills [
32‐
34]. In general, emotions and cognition support the processing of information, and emotions are considered to have motivational, communicative, and accommodative functions within or between individuals in social competence, which may be distinguished from cognitive processes, such as attention, learning, deduction, and memory [
27]. Recognition of emotion refers to recognizing another person’s emotional state through affective cues such as facial expressions, vocal cues (e.g., tone), or physical cues. Understanding emotions refers to understanding the situations in which certain emotions occur and how people’s internal states change in reaction to external circumstances and manifest as emotions and behaviors [
35].
Lemerise and Arsenio [
27] suggested the integrated SIP model (see p. 113) by adding emotional processes to the revised SIP model. Their model also includes various emotional factors, such as the affective nature of children’s relationships with their peers, their empathic responsiveness, and their production of emotions at each step of the revised SIP model. The integrated SIP model agrees with the revised SIP model that in the first two steps of SIP, children encode and interpret social situations according to both their internal emotions and external social cues (including affective cues from others). Thus, in both models, emotional signals constantly provide information on how social situations are developing and help children adjust their behavior.
The integrated SIP model suggests that specific factors—affective cues from peers, emotion attribution, and empathic responsiveness—are impactful in the first step of SIP, and thereby enhance the role of emotions in encoding social cues. In the integrated SIP model, it was argued that other people's emotional cues are also important sources of information and should be encoded and interpreted together [
27]. Emotional cues from self and others provide constant information about how social situations are progressing, enabling them to sensitize their behavior; that is, how accurately one recognizes and understands the emotions of others in the stage of encoding of the clues affects not only the interpretation of these clues but also the subsequent SIP process. Aggressive children, for example, are more likely to think that their friend has acted intentionally or hostilely in situations where their intentions are unclear, and the other person is angry [
36]. Moreover, hostile interpretations of social cues by young children are related to thinking that the perpetrator was angry [
37]. It is important for children to accurately recognize other people’s emotional states for them to competently engage in social situations; thus, children’s emotion attribution accuracy can predict their social competence [
36]. Therefore, examining emotion attribution accuracy and the anger attribution bias in the encoding of the cues, which is the first stage of the SIP model, can be a key factor in understanding the SIP process of young children.
Emotional Skills Assessment Tools
Despite the usefulness of Lemerise and Arsenio’s integrated SIP model [
27], empirical studies on the model are lacking. Dodge and Rabiner [
38] noted several limitations while evaluating the integrated SIP model, one of which was the problem of measurement in moral development. They claimed that developing an empirical measurement tool that can be clearly distinguished for each stage is the main task for subsequent research.
Studies of the SIP model in the Korean context are mostly based on the revised SIP model and assessed children’s SIP using the hypothetical‐situation instrument developed by Crick [
39] and Crick and Dodge [
40] and translated by Kim [
41]. This instrument assesses only three steps of the revised SIP model—interpretation (Step 2), clarification of goals (Step 3), and response decision (Step 5). Thus, this way of validating the integrated SIP model has its limitations. It does not allow one to assess whether young children accurately recognize and understand other people's emotions in relation to the encoding of cues, which is emphasized in the integrated SIP model. Thus far, tools used to measure children’s emotional skills also measured children’s social and emotional abilities, such as social competence, rather than independently measuring emotional skills.
Existing tools for assessing children’s emotional abilities often incorporated emotional abilities with social and emotional skills. Denham [
42] distinguished emotional competency skills from relational/prosocial skills in the social-emotional competency framework, but the term social and emotional skills has not yet been clearly defined [
43]. Therefore, it is necessary to distinguish between emotional skills and social abilities, and according to the SIP model, it is necessary to empirically examine whether emotional skills are related to social abilities.
Humphrey et al. [
44] found that all the tools that only measure children's emotional abilities (except ACES) were developed before the 2000s and a lot of time has passed since then. In Korea, the emotional intelligence scale developed by Lee [
45] has been mainly used to examine children's emotional abilities. These tools for measuring young children’s emotional abilities mostly rely on parents’ or teachers’ observations and assessments of children’s emotional behavior, and do not include tools with which young children’s emotional skills can be directly measured. Researchers have argued that this kind of direct measurement is key for an accurate assessment of young children’s emotional abilities [
4,
46,
47].
The ACES
To measure children's emotional skills, this study sought to revise the ACES developed by Schultz et al. [
36] to make it more suitable for the Korean sociocultural context and to test the Korean ACES on young Korean children. The ACES conceptualizes children’s emotional abilities as emotional skills and presents children’s emotion attribution accuracy and anger attribution bias as sub-factors. Children’s emotional attribution accuracy indicates how accurately they recognize and encode emotional signals from others [
36]. Children’s anger attribution bias indicates their tendency to recognize or encode an emotion such as anger [
22,
37,
48]. Anger is widely considered a core human emotion; thus, anger attribution bias in early childhood may lead children to develop aggressive behavior, delinquency, anxiety, depression, intimidation, and low self-esteem [
49‐
51]. The original ACES contains 40 items spread across three sections (facial expressions, social situations, and social behaviors). Children’s scores in each of the three sections were summed and used to assess their emotion attribution accuracy and anger attribution tendencies.
Cultural Specificity in Emotion Recognition
The original ACES comprises three sections: facial expressions, social situations, and social behaviors. Despite the theoretical utility of the ACES, applying the original tool to the Korean context has some limitations. Although universality and cultural specificity in emotional recognition have long been debated, studies have provided evidence of an in-group advantage (i.e., cultural bias) in judging emotions [
52]. In particular, it has been reported that adults and children have racial biases in judging facial expressions of emotions [
53,
54]; thus, it would be difficult to use the visual aids included in the original tool in the Korean context. For instance, emotional expressions depicted on faces of American children included in the tool may not accurately represent or reflect the same emotions for children in different cultures.
An in-group advantage has been found not only for the judgement of facial expressions but also in the task of judging emotions associated with nonverbal behavior [
55]. Therefore, explanations of social situations and behaviors that include emotional stimuli cannot be generalized across cultural contexts. Measurement tools for developmental research should be repeatedly verified [
6], but the methods themselves include an inherent assumption of what the culture is [
56]. Accordingly, we developed and validated a Korean version of the ACES and examined the emotional development of Korean preschoolers.