Abstract
There is great concern that modern rich nations will not be able to afford the future health care costs of ageing societies. Cohort change-based estimates of population ageing alone suggest some increases in future costs, even without differentially higher growth in underlying, residual ‘technology related’ costs. Accounting for these costs pushes the future costs much higher. However, these estimates of cost ignore both the increased willingness and ability of the current and future elderly to pay these costs and the likely future benefits of these expenses in terms of increased health status, improved quality of life and increased longevity from new and better medical treatments, pharmaceuticals and the like. Drawing on recent examples of the net benefits of pharmaceuticals from the United States and other nations, we argue that these benefits also need to be taken into account. We also suggest that once a socially determined level of health care benefits are provided by the public sector, the elderly should be able to privately pay for additional treatments which might also have high health benefits. The primary public policy issues are two. First, avoid the unnecessary and inefficient costs of excessive technological medicine (where waste is rampant; costs are below benefits and, therefore, the marginal value of treatment is low). Second, directly address the question of the distribution of the costs of new medical advances and existing cost-effective treatments for the elderly by determining how much of these costs should be borne by public programmes (financed by workers or from general revenues) vs. how much the low income elderly themselves can and should pay for. In this light, plans to subsidize the cost of treatments based on ability to pay are important policy considerations for future cohorts of older persons.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
- 3.
More comparable charts for added countries should be a high research priority in OECD nations.
- 4.
Victor Fuchs (1998) reports slightly higher figures for the United States where personal spending is roughly 50% of total acute care spending by the elderly.
- 5.
Interestingly, Musgrove (1996) finds that while private medical expense is negatively related to GDP per capita, the decline in the private share from 1960 to 1980 has been stopped since 1980. Additional comparative studies on the private spending are also needed.
- 6.
The United States evidence, as summarized by Spillman and Lubitz (2000:1415) is as follows: ‘If longevity increases because of reduced morbidity and mortality from diseases that are expensive to treat, then Medicare costs may be reduced. If longevity increases as the result of expensive treatments, Medicare costs may rise. The costs of both acute and long-term care increase with the level of disability. If increased longevity is accompanied by declines in rates of disability, as suggested by recent studies, then the effect of increased longevity on health care expenditures may be moderated.’ Crimmins (2001) expresses similar sentiments.
- 7.
United Kingdom expenditure figures refer to the 2-week period during which expenses were observed and may therefore be biased downward.
- 8.
Medicare, the primary insurance vehicle for the aged, covers hospital and physician care, but not prescription drugs or other treatments. Outlays for Medicare cover only about one-half of all elder acute care costs and are supplemented in three ways: for the poor elderly, via Medicaid which covers some drugs and almost all out-of-pocket Medicare-related expenses; many well-to-do elderly have (former) employer provided retiree insurance which covers Medicare and other costs; and finally, most middle income elderly buy expensive supplemental ‘medigap’ coverage which pays some fraction of Medicare-related costs and other costs (see Smeeding and Sullivan 1998; Holden and Smeeding 1990).
- 9.
A large part of the value of additional healthy life years can take the form of added productive work. For the already retired and for the very old, these gains are zero yet we should also attribute some benefit, and therefore some willingness to pay for the added length and quality of life for the aged. Thus the reduction in other healthcare costs associated with newer treatments and newer drugs for the aged are a lower bound of the total benefits of these new treatments.
- 10.
Because many new prescription drugs cost less in other nations compared to the United States, their benefits may be even larger. See also Frech and Miller (1999).
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Acknowledgments
We thank James Williamson, Frank Lichtenberg 2005, David Cutler, Alfred Fuchs, Kati Foley, Mary Santy, Kim Desmond and Esther Gray for their help in preparing the paper. Smeeding wishes to thank the U.S. Social Security Administration for their partial support under grant #10-P-98359-2-01, and Freund wishes to thank Commonwealth Fund for partial support of her work. All errors of omission and commission are the responsibility of the authors.
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Freund, D., Smeeding, T.M. (2010). The Future Costs of Health Care in Ageing Societies: Is the Glass Half Full or Half Empty? . In: Tuljapurkar, S., Ogawa, N., Gauthier, A. (eds) Ageing in Advanced Industrial States. International Studies in Population, vol 8. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-3553-0_8
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