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A Role for the History of Psychology in Theoretical and Philosophical Psychology

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Re-envisioning Theoretical Psychology

Abstract

While traditional conceptions of theoretical psychology focus on epistemological and methodological aspects of psychological theories, recent approaches tend to include social, moral, and practical issues. However, whether defined in narrower or broader terms, contemporary views of theoretical and philosophical psychology have little room for the history of psychology. In this chapter, I argue that it plays an essential role in theoretical psychology, by making the theoretical psychologist aware of at least two things: the historical contingency of the very idea of theoretical psychology, and the persistent philosophical problems that underlie psychological science. To illustrate my thesis, I propose a two-layered approach in which the history of psychology plays a double role in theoretical psychology: it offers an immediate context for contemporary proposals and a deep connection with the long development of psychology. I conclude that the history of psychology is vital for re-envisioning theoretical and philosophical psychology.

I would like to thank Barbara Held, James Lamiell, and Lisa Osbeck for helpful comments on an earlier version of the manuscript, and the National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) for financial support.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Both societies promote annual or biannual meetings; all three journals have high submission and rejection rates; and the series is going to its sixteenth volume. It should be added here the 8-volume set on theoretical psychology, recently published by Sage (Stam, 2012a).

  2. 2.

    To a greater or lesser extent, both goals appear in most attempts to define and situate theoretical psychology (e.g., Gigerenzer, 2010; Madsen, 1985; Martin, Sugarman, & Slaney, 2015a; Robinson, 2007; Slife & Williams, 1997; Teo, 2015a).

  3. 3.

    It is interesting to note that, about 50 years before, Gustav Bergmann had already drawn attention to the low level of theorization in psychology (Bergmann, 1953).

  4. 4.

    A good example of how this can affect the relation between the history of psychology and psychology within universities is given by Alan Collins and Geoff Bunn (2016). Although their focus is on the British case, it is happening to a greater or lesser extent almost everywhere. Ultimately, one can say that this specific problem is closely related to the so-called “crisis in the humanities” debate (e.g., Bate, 2011; Nussbaum, 2016; Small, 2013).

  5. 5.

    A quick look at the specialized publications in the last two decades is sufficient to convince one of the multiplicity of conceptions of TPP. Some of them overlap, but some are incompatible (e.g., Martin, Sugarman, & Slaney, 2015b; Stam, 2000, 2010, 2012b; Teo, 2009).

  6. 6.

    It is true that theoretical psychology has been sometimes conceived of as primarily related to theory construction and evaluation (e.g., Gigerenzer, 2010; Longuet-Higgins, 1982; Madsen, 1985; Royce, 1978; Valsiner, 2015). It might be argued, then, that theory construction involves also first-order analyses, in which case TPP would not be a purely metatheoretical enterprise. Even in that case, however, it must be assumed that theory construction involves constant second-order reflection, such as judgements about the adequacy of epistemological assumptions to validate certain empirical data.

  7. 7.

    Karl Madsen, for example, states this very clearly: “the history of psychology and other empirical studies of psychology … do not belong to theoretical psychology unless their purpose is … to contribute to psychological metatheory” (Madsen, 1985, p. 9). He does not say, though, how this contribution might happen.

  8. 8.

    It is not a coincidence that the American Psychological Association has two separated divisions—one for TPP (Division 24) and one for the history of psychology (Division 26)—with little interaction. However, even if this were not the case, a mere institutional arrangement does not guarantee intellectual collaboration and exchange, which is exactly my point here. This is not to say that there is no recognition at all of a potential role for the history of psychology in TPP. For example, Teo (2015b) addresses the issue of how historical thinking in general can be used as a tool for theoretical psychology, by focusing on the topic of objectivity. In the same vein, Valsiner (2015) claims that the history of psychology can serve as “a tool of reflexivity—focused on the past, but oriented to the future” (p. 45). Nevertheless, this does not change the fact that most of the programmatic writings for a theoretical psychology envisage at best a loose place for the history of psychology.

  9. 9.

    In this paper, I am using the terms ‘philosophy of psychology,’ ‘theoretical psychology,’ and ‘theoretical and philosophical psychology’ interchangeably, to refer to a broad reflection about the theoretical foundations of psychology. Although I recognize that these terms can and should be more narrowly defined in other contexts, this is irrelevant for my present purposes.

  10. 10.

    This preparatory work is to be understood as the application of his theory of knowledge (Erkenntnistheorie) to psychology. For instance, Wundt accepted the concept of ‘mind’ (Seele) in psychology, but gave it a new definition, avoiding traditional metaphysical commitments (e.g., mind as a substance). The same is valid for his principle of psychophysical parallelism (e.g., Wundt, 1911). For a detailed discussion of the relation between Wundt’s psychology and his philosophical assumptions, see Araujo (2016).

  11. 11.

    It should be also noted that, in a prescient essay, Wundt (1913) warned against the damaging consequences for the psychologist of an institutional and intellectual divorce between psychology and philosophy. He predicted, for example, that psychologists would gradually lose the ability to recognize and/or deal effectively with conceptual problems. According to James Lamiell (2013), this is exactly what has happened in contemporary psychology.

  12. 12.

    Arguing for the importance of the history of science for philosophy in general, Gary Hatfield (1996) shows how contemporary appraisals of modern philosophers tend to distort and erase the context of their relationship with science. For him, “deep engagement with intellectual history and the history of science is a necessary condition for reading the texts of theoretical philosophy. Here, the history of science as a discipline can guide us methodologically, for we can learn to emulate the best history of science by looking to predecessors first in establishing textual contexts, by relying on primary sources to establish the most important contexts, and by reading widely, as opposed to jumping from ‘great’ to ‘great’” (Hatfield, 1996, p. 131). I think the same goes for the relation between the history of psychology and TPP.

  13. 13.

    That neuroscience is not incompatible in principle with psychology can be seen in recent attempts to integrate them (e.g., Machamer & Sytsma, 2007; Schwartz, Lilienfeld, Meca, & Sauvigné, 2016). However, this, too, is something to be learned from the history of psychology (e.g., James, 1890/1981; Wundt, 1911).

  14. 14.

    In his De Anima, Aristotle drew attention to logical problems arising from materialistic attempts to explain the psyche through the body or some of its parts (Aristotle, 1995). According to Michael Bennett and Peter Hacker, contemporary cognitive neuroscience repeats the same pattern of logical mistakes: “the mereological fallacy,” as they call it (Bennett & Hacker, 2003).

  15. 15.

    The same point equally applies to the case of mental measurement and statistical procedures. For example, Joel Michell (1999) claims that contemporary psychometrics—despite its practical dissemination in society—is grounded on flawed theoretical assumptions that are also related to a lack of historical perspective. By the same token, Lamiell (2015) shows how history can help us identify conceptual problems underlying the use of population-level statistical knowledge in contemporary psychology. I think this comes close to what Gigerenzer (2004) called “mindless statistics,” the substitution of statistical rituals for statistical thinking.

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Araujo, S.d.F. (2019). A Role for the History of Psychology in Theoretical and Philosophical Psychology. In: Teo, T. (eds) Re-envisioning Theoretical Psychology. Palgrave Studies in the Theory and History of Psychology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16762-2_5

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