Introduction
Body mass index (BMI) is an anthropometric measure that has associations with nearly all areas of an individual’s physical functioning. Most commonly, BMI has been investigated in relation to various health outcomes such as self-rated health [
1], morbidity [
2], and mortality [
3]. BMI is also associated with a broad set of behaviours and practices including daily activities [
4], social life [
5], mating [
6], and labour market performance [
7]. As BMI is linked to many aspects of an individual’s life, it is likely that it has direct or indirect effects on an individual’s overall life satisfaction (LS). Indeed, studies have found that those who are overweight or obese report decreased life satisfaction compared to people with BMI scores in the range which is considered as normal [
8‐
10]. Obese individuals are also at a higher risk of depression [
11], having low self-esteem [
12], and are more likely to experience discrimination due to their weight [
13].
Although specific causal channels linking BMI and LS are still being debated, it is likely that both individual and social characteristics affect this association. A number of studies have reported that LS is more likely to be influenced by the perceived weight status than with the actual BMI [
14,
15]. How the actual or perceived weight affects LS also depends on the individuals’ gender [
16,
17], which in turn is related to different levels of obesity stigmatisation among men and women [
18]. Yet, for certain sociodemographic groups, such as older adults, no systematic and consistent associations were found between BMI and LS [
19,
20]. That suggests that certain individual or contextual characteristics moderate the effect of BMI on LS. There is also evidence that the individuals’ own weight estimates are affected by the average weight of their age- and gender-specific reference groups [
21]. The role of social comparison is highlighted in studies which show that an individuals’ BMI is associated with the BMI of other adults within their close social network [
22]. Therefore, an individuals’ group of reference in social comparison might be a factor moderating the association between BMI and LS. To our knowledge, there are virtually no studies analysing this specific research question.
We can also assume that contextual environment shapes individuals’ attitudes towards their own and others’ physical traits, yet the environment in which individuals live varies across countries and over time. The prevalence of obesity, both in Europe and globally, has increased substantially over the past decades [
23,
24]. As adiposity becomes more prevalent in a society, being overweight or obese is more likely to be perceived as the new “normal weight” [
15]. According to the social comparison theory, people who are overweight and obese are less likely to stand out when the overall BMI levels are high. However, research on how the effect of BMI on LS is shaped by the social context is limited and the evidence is mixed. Small sample studies have reported no association between one’s own weight and obesity rates among the social comparison reference group members [
25]. Conversely, some large-scale studies suggest that in areas with high levels of BMI, the negative effect of obesity on LS is weaker, and that this association differs by gender [
17].
In this study, we focus on the socioemotional costs of having other than normal BMI. We explore the effect of different BMI categories on being dissatisfied with life, taking into account the individual and contextual characteristics that might affect this relationship. In particular, we aim to investigate whether a person’s reference group for social comparison, and obesity rates in a given population affect the relationship between BMI and dissatisfaction with life. One of the methodological challenges in identifying statistically significant associations and pinpointing a direction of causation between outcome and explanatory variables is that being dissatisfied with life might itself, either directly or indirectly, affect the individuals’ belonging to certain BMI categories. We mitigate this concern in our empirical analyses by employing the treatment estimators’ approach for observational data in which the BMI category of individuals is predicted, among other factors, by the number of hours that individuals spend watching television.
Discussion
In this study, we explored the association between individuals’ BMI category – representing underweight, normal weight, overweight, or obesity – and dissatisfaction with life using a large sample of 48,992 individuals across 34 countries in Europe, the Middle East, and Central Asia. Based on the previous research, we expected that having a higher-than-normal BMI would be associated with higher levels of dissatisfaction with life. Our results demonstrate that that both, higher and lower than normal BMI, were associated with greater prevalence of dissatisfaction with life, and that the association between BMI and dissatisfaction with life differed by gender. Overweight men have lower levels of life dissatisfaction compared to men with normal weight. Conversely, overweight and obese women are more likely to be dissatisfied with life than women with normal weight. We show that overweight men have 11% lower levels of life dissatisfaction compared to men with normal BMI scores, whereas overweight and obese women have, respectively, 5% and 9% higher levels of life dissatisfaction compared to women with normal BMI. The findings were confirmed with treatment effect estimators which are more likely to mitigate selection bias into different BMI categories that conventional regression models do not capture.
BMI has previously been criticised for not being a reliable measure of adiposity and that it performs differently for men and women [
46]. Furthermore, for many men, having a larger body weight – and technically being overweight – may be a desirable feature and may, in fact, indicate having a greater muscle mass, not fat [
47]. In lay understanding, one is classified as being overweight or obese, not based on their weight, but their appearance. Many men distance themselves from the biomedical definitions of “a healthy weight” and are not even willing to achieve it. It is quite likely that many who were classified as overweight in our study would not see their weight as a reason for frustration or shame. As opposed to that, both underweight and obese men were reported to have experienced weight stigma [
48]. The former were also more likely to experience anxiety compared to normal-weight men [
49]. The present study shows that they are also more likely to be dissatisfied with their lives.
The situation is very different among women for whom, contrary to men, a smaller body size, regardless of its composition, is generally more socially desirable [
50]. Women display greater adherence to social norms including those pertaining to body weight [
51]. Female bodies are also subject to overall greater social scrutiny [
52]. Being overweight or obese runs counter to the message of healthiness propagated in popular culture [
52]. Women with higher-than-normal weight are particularly likely to experience stress and negative emotions in environments where their overweight status is visible through everyday social interactions [
53]. This factor was not accounted for in our models, but it is worth investigating in future research.
Based on the insights from the social comparison theory, we also expected that individuals’ patterns of comparison would affect the association between BMI and dissatisfaction with life. Although we did not find that the reference category in the socioeconomic comparison affected the relationship between BMI and dissatisfaction with life for women, the mode of comparison mattered for men. Overweight men who were not making any social comparisons had the lowest levels of life dissatisfaction, whereas obese men comparing their situation to their friends and neighbours had the highest levels of life dissatisfaction among men across all BMI categories. We also investigated how social comparison through social context in which individuals live moderates the relationship between BMI and dissatisfaction with life. We found that the prevalence of obesity in a region where individuals live influences the relationship between BMI and dissatisfaction with life for both genders but in different ways. In the regions with low BMI scores, underweight men have lower levels of dissatisfaction with life compared to underweight men in regions with high BMI scores. With regard to obese women, the effect of obesity on dissatisfaction with life was not observed in regions with overall high BMI scores. Conversely, dissatisfaction with life was more prevalent among obese women living in regions with low BMI scores.
Our findings make a novel contribution to relevant literature. Although being underweight, overweight, or obese has been associated with the levels of life satisfaction in earlier studies, we add additional nuance to the existing knowledge by showing that the association between BMI and being dissatisfied with life is, at least partially, moderated by the contextual environment, and that the character of the contextual effects differs by gender. These findings, along with the earlier evidence from the United States [
17], point to the importance of the social context and raise questions about what the BMI categories represent for men and women in different settings and across time and space.
The moderating effect of BMI levels in the region where individuals live can also be interpreted in terms of the “relative obesity”. The concept of relative obesity was proposed by Wadsworth and Pendergast to describe the effect of “an inherently social process connecting obesity to lower rates of subjective wellbeing” [
17] (p. 196). Drawing on the social comparison and reference group theories they have deduced that, as is the case of income, the negative or positive effect of a particular trait depends on its levels, among others, whom individuals compare themselves to. Our study supports this assumption with regards to the effect of the regional BMI levels.
One of the limitations of this study is that the social comparison variable was limited to comparison by socioeconomic status and not by the BMI levels in the reference group. To understand specific mechanisms related to social comparison, future studies should account for reference groups’ mean BMI levels. The previous analysis of randomly selected primary sampling units using the same dataset suggests that reported and measured height estimates are not significantly different from each other [
36], but individuals, and particularly women, might still underreport their weight [
54]. Furthermore, at a macro level, we were able to generate aggregated BMI data only for regional level within the analysed countries, but it might be the case that more localised BMI context (at municipality or even at neighbourhood level) might matter more for individuals. In addition, since the data were cross sectional, we were unable to investigate the chronology in the relation between outcome and risk factor, and hence, we do not claim that we identified a causal relationship between BMI and dissatisfaction with life. Despite using treatment estimators with observational data, IPWRA, it is still possible that an individual’s dissatisfaction with life has a direct or indirect impact on their BMI considering that both the assumption of no unmeasured confounders and the assumption of experimentation in the assignment of treatment are frequently violated in observational samples [
55,
56]. At last, since there are important cultural differences in how people understand life satisfaction, our results might be affected by the problem of comparability of answers for subjective questions using large cross-national datasets such as LITS.
Notwithstanding these limitations, this study contributes to our understanding of the contextual dimension of the links between BMI and dissatisfaction with life. Our findings also bear practical implications. Increasing mean BMI levels may result in a weakening association between BMI and life satisfaction including the link between having a higher–than-normal BMI and dissatisfaction with life. Relatedly, declining socioemotional costs of being overweight or obese may further exuberate the obesity epidemic.
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