Introduction
Cigarette smoking is the most common preventable cause of death in the U.S. (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
2014). Smoking cessation is difficult: many smokers relapse several times (Hughes et al.,
2004). One barrier to cessation interventions is that smokers may react defensively (McQueen et al.,
2013) to messages or images regarding the health consequences of continued smoking (McQueen et al.,
2015). In particular, smokers may engage in reactance, which is characterized by anger, counterarguing, and perceiving threat to one’s freedom (Hall et al.,
2016;
2017). When people react defensively, they are more likely to avoid, deny, and dismiss personally relevant health information that could otherwise lead to engagement in preventive health behaviors (McQueen et al.,
2013; van‘t Riet & Ruiter,
2013).
Self-affirmation interventions can reduce defensive responses to threatening information in multiple domains, including health, education, and relationships (Cohen & Sherman,
2014; Epton et al.,
2015; Sweeney & Moyer,
2015). According to self-affirmation theory, people are motivated to view themselves positively and as having high integrity (Steele,
1988). When this positive self-view is threatened—such as by negative feedback about one’s harmful smoking behavior—affirming other valued aspects of the self can decrease defensive responses. A self-affirmation is an “act that manifests one’s adequacy and thus affirms one’s sense of global self-integrity” (Cohen & Sherman,
2014, p. 337). Examples of affirming activities include spending time with friends, attending religious services, or writing about personally-important values (Cohen & Sherman,
2014). Multiple reviews (Cohen & Sherman,
2014; Harris & Epton,
2009; Schüz et al.,
2017) and three meta-analyses (Epton et al.,
2015; Ferrer & Cohen,
2018; Sweeney & Moyer,
2015) have shown that self-affirmations promote positive health-related outcomes such as message acceptance and greater behavior change intentions and actions.
Self-affirmation interventions have been conducted with smokers, who often respond defensively to smoking-related health information (Erceg-Hurn & Steed,
2011; Hall et al.,
2016). However, the benefits of self-affirmation for smokers have been mixed; whereas multiple studies have shown that self-affirmation can benefit smokers (Armitage et al.,
2008; Epton et al.,
2014; Harris et al.,
2007; Taber et al.,
2016), a few have reported null or backfiring effects (Dillard et al.,
2005; Schneider et al.,
2012; Zhao et al.,
2014). These mixed findings indicate a need for effective and disseminable self-affirmation interventions for this critical population.
There are multiple effective self-affirmation induction strategies (McQueen & Klein,
2006). One common strategy asks participants to review a list of values, choose one, and then write about why it is personally important (Cohen & Sherman,
2014). Another method—the Kindness Questionnaire—consists of 10 items asking participants if they have ever engaged in acts of kindness towards other people (Reed & Aspinwall,
1998). It is designed so that participants should be able to answer “yes” to all of the items. Participants also provide written examples for each item. This induces participants’ perceptions of themselves as compassionate and kind through remembering past instances of personal kindnesses and allows participants to affirm a positive view of themselves. In the original use of this affirmation, female caffeine drinkers who self-affirmed engaged in less biased processing of information about the link between caffeine and breast disease (Reed & Aspinwall,
1998). A meta-analysis showed that the values and kindness self-affirmations were equally effective at promoting intentions and behavior (Sweeney & Moyer,
2015). Brief self-affirmation interventions can also be effective: some involve writing for 10 min or less (Cohen & Sherman,
2014) and one involves merely completing a single question stem (i.e., “If I feel threatened or anxious, then I will…”) by choosing and writing one of four provided self-affirmations (e.g., “think about things that are important to me”; Armitage et al.,
2011).
One key gap in the self-affirmation literature is that many health-related self-affirmation interventions were developed and administered primarily with university student samples in controlled laboratory settings (Epton et al.,
2015; Sweeney & Moyer,
2015). Few studies have tested whether self-affirmation interventions can be scaled up for widespread public health use (Schüz et al.,
2017). Although self-affirmation interventions have been administered online (DiBello et al.,
2015; Epton et al.,
2014; Kamboj et al.,
2016; Mays & Zhao,
2016; Memish et al.,
2017; Nan & Zhao,
2012; Schumann,
2014; Taber et al.,
2016; van Koningsbruggen & Das,
2009; Zhao & Nan,
2010), many targeted students, and few adapted interventions specifically for mobile phone use. Most Americans own smartphones (77%), with 20% accessing the internet solely through a phone (Pew Research Center,
2018). Thus, self-affirmation interventions that can be effectively administered on mobile phones could increase their reach, especially to adults with minority racial backgrounds and those with lower incomes, who are more likely to be dependent on phones for internet use (PRC,
2018).
One of the few studies that used mobile technology to implement a self-affirmation intervention attempted to promote smoking cessation among adult smokers who enrolled in a text-based, national smoking cessation program. Participants received self-affirmation text messages periodically throughout a 42-day period (e.g., “Quitting is hard! When you feel a craving, think of a time you learned from a mistake.”). The content of the affirmation referred to potential threats (e.g., when you feel a craving) and encouraged participants to think of their strengths (e.g., learning from a mistake), but participants were not asked to provide the written responses that many self-affirmation interventions include. The intervention showed only modest success: self-affirmed smokers reported greater cessation rates, but only among the 6.4% of the sample who responded to the 6-week follow-up survey (Taber et al.,
2016).
Study purpose and hypotheses
To fill these identified gaps in the literature, we sought to translate the Kindness Questionnaire self-affirmation intervention (Reed & Aspinwall,
1998) into a form that could be effectively and feasibly administered on a mobile device outside the experimental controls of a research laboratory. One key barrier in the translation process is that typing on a smartphone is difficult. Therefore, we chose the Kindness Questionnaire because, in its original form, it requires less writing than the values essay. To further reduce the writing required, we also tested two simplified versions (i.e., imagined examples and no examples). We targeted cigarette smokers for the intervention because their tendency towards defensive responding (Erceg-Hurn & Steed,
2011; Hall et al.,
2016) made them a relevant test case for our efforts and because there is a need for an effective, feasible, and disseminable self-affirmation intervention for smokers.
Primary Outcomes We examined the effect of self-affirmation on the primary outcomes of message acceptance, perceived message effectiveness, and reactance because a basic premise of self-affirmation theory is that affirming the self makes people more capable of processing messages non-defensively (Ferrer & Cohen,
2018). Intentions is one of the most proximal influences on volitional behavior change (Webb & Sheeran,
2006) and self-affirmations can increase intentions to engage in health behaviors (Epton et al.,
2015; Sweeney & Moyer,
2015). Consistent with the broader self-affirmation literature, including most studies with cigarette smokers, we hypothesized that smokers who completed a self-affirmation intervention before being exposed to a psychologically threatening health message would report greater message acceptance, greater perceived message effectiveness, less reactance, and higher intentions to quit smoking compared to smokers who did not receive a self-affirmation intervention. We also hypothesized that the imagined examples and no examples versions would outperform the original control conditions, as the adaptations were intended to reduce burden associated with writing and therefore increase completion of the intervention.
Secondary Outcomes We further examined the effect of self-affirmation on a set of key health-related cognitions and affects that have been shown to predict health behavior: self-efficacy, perceived cognitive risk and “feelings of risk” (also called affective risk), response efficacy, anticipated regret, perceived severity, and worry (Brewer et al.,
2016; Janssen et al.,
2014; Sheeran et al.,
2014,
2016). These outcomes were considered secondary because there was less empirical research supporting the link between self-affirmation interventions and these outcomes (e.g., self- and response efficacy and anticipated regret vs. message processing) or because the outcomes were considered to be less proximal predictors of actual behavior (e.g., perceived risk, worry, and behavior vs. intentions). We hypothesized that self-affirmations would lead to more positive secondary outcomes. We had no directional hypothesis about how abbreviating the self-affirmation intervention might affect secondary outcomes.
Feasibility Outcomes Interventions that are not feasible, due to complex administration or participant unwillingness to complete them, are unlikely to be effective (Bowen et al.,
2009). Thus, we explored whether the length of the intervention was associated with time to complete the self-affirmation intervention, time to read the health message, and the number and quality of affirmative responses to the Kindness Questionnaire (Armitage et al.,
2011; Ferrer et al.,
2017).
Exploratory Research Questions We also explored whether the effectiveness of the self-affirmation intervention differed by subgroup. In prior research, self-affirmations have been more effective for people at higher versus lower risk based on the number of cigarettes smoked per day (Armitage et al.,
2008; DiBello et al.,
2015; Harris et al.,
2007; Memish et al.,
2017). Thus, we tested whether self-affirmations were more effective for participants who smoked more, with no predictions for the self-affirmation variations. We also explored whether education, race, and mode of study completion (phone vs. tablet/PC) moderated the effectiveness of the intervention. For example, simplifying the intervention could be beneficial only for people completing the survey on phones or for those with less education. We had no predictions about the role of race; rather, we sought to determine whether prior results based on primarily White participants generalized to people from minority racial backgrounds.
Discussion
We tested multiple versions of a self-affirmation intervention for community-based smokers translated for use on mobile devices. Contrary to our expectation that the self-affirmation variations would be equivalent to each other and outperform control conditions, none of the variations were effective or feasible. The intervention had no effect on key message processing outcomes. Worse, and contrary to our hypotheses, self-affirmation backfired by reducing intentions to quit smoking and risk perceptions. Both the null and backfiring effects should be interpreted with caution given the unexpectedness of these effects.
Despite attempts to limit the amount of writing required, participants asked to provide written self-affirmation responses endorsed fewer affirmation questions than participants not asked to provide written examples; that this was also the case in the control conditions suggests that the writing was onerous for both the self-affirmation and control conditions. Thus, the intervention may have been unacceptably burdensome in terms of time and effort for participants to complete. For participants providing written examples, the intervention took nearly four times as long—an average of almost 6 min—than it did for those who imagined examples, and took 7 times longer than it did for participants not asked to provide examples. These short completion times in the imagined (1.5 min) and no examples (< 1 min) self-affirmation conditions suggest that participants may not have spent enough time self-affirming for the intervention to have an effect. However, there were no significant differences in outcomes across the three self-affirmation conditions, and being more adherent or spending more time on the intervention typically was not correlated with effectiveness outcomes.
A close inspection of self-affirmation interventions for smokers indicates that the effectiveness of these interventions is not universal. Some previous self-affirmation interventions with smokers have shown success increasing quit intentions and reducing smoking behavior (Armitage et al.,
2008; Epton et al.,
2014; Harris et al.,
2007; Taber et al.,
2016), whereas others showed null effects (Dillard et al.,
2005; Schneider et al.,
2012), and one had a backfiring effect in which self-affirmed occasional smokers viewed cigarette warning labels as less effective, with null effects for daily smokers (Zhao et al.,
2014). Several self-affirmation interventions with smokers have reported effects conditional on factors such as trait reactance (Nan & Zhao,
2012), message framing (Zhao & Nan,
2010), and risk level (Armitage et al.,
2008; DiBello et al.,
2015; Harris et al.,
2007; Memish et al.,
2017). In the present study, smoking level—based on nicotine dependence and amount/frequency of smoking—did not moderate effects.
Inconsistencies across studies could arise for multiple reasons, including methodological factors such as sample size and publication bias. Another source is theoretical moderators such as the presence of threat, availability of resources for behavior change, and timing of the self-affirmation, which all moderate the effect of self-affirmation on health behavior (Ferrer & Cohen,
2018). More research is needed to identify characteristics of the participants, situation, and nature of the interventions associated with effective self-affirmation interventions for smokers.
With respect to the present study, the effectiveness of the intervention may have been related to low feasibility, as previously described. Our study also differs from previous self-affirmation studies in which smokers have been shown attention-grabbing graphic warning labels with brief text (see Ehret & Sherman,
2014). According to the Trigger and Channel framework, sufficient psychological threat—that is, threat to one’s self-integrity—is a necessary precursor to the effectiveness of self-affirmation interventions (Ferrer & Cohen,
2018). Our lengthy written risk message may not have been sufficiently threatening or novel, as smokers may be desensitized to messages about the negative health effects of smoking. In addition, our intervention may not have provided sufficient resources to promote quit intentions (Ferrer & Cohen,
2018); the health message included information targeting response efficacy but not self-efficacy. Future research should test whether self-affirmation interventions can be bolstered by combining them with other smoking cessation strategies such as one-on-one counseling or nicotine replacement therapy.
We used the Kindness Questionnaire, which is used less frequently than the values essay (Epton et al.,
2015; McQueen & Klein,
2006), to minimize the typing required by participants using smartphones. Some meta-analytic evidence suggests that values essay affirmations are more effective than other affirmations, but in that meta-analysis the type of “other” affirmations was not specified (Epton et al.,
2015; but see Sweeney & Moyer,
2015). Selecting a value with personal relevance may be an important component of effective self-affirmation interventions, which is not a part of the Kindness Questionnaire (see Schüz et al.,
2017 for this argument). Thus, the values essay may be more effective despite potential increased burden. Future studies might also test whether a new “implementation intention” approach (Armitage et al.,
2011) in which people plan how they will respond when feeling threatened (i.e., “If I feel threatened or anxious, then I will…”) is more easily adapted to an online or smartphone setting. Future research could also test self-affirmations in which participants are asked to provide fewer than 10 written examples to identify the right balance between too much and too little writing.
Strengths and Limitations
Our study was unique in that we recruited an older community sample rather than a college student sample. To date, only about 30% of self-affirmation interventions in the health domain are conducted with samples other than college students (Epton et al.,
2015; Sweeney & Moyer,
2015) (see exceptions Armitage et al.,
2011; Hall et al.,
2014; Jessop et al.,
2009; Ogedegbe et al.,
2012). Self-affirmation interventions may be more challenging to complete for general community populations, who may be less accustomed to completing tasks involving writing and self-introspection than students. Consistent with most self-affirmation studies, we did not include an explicit manipulation check to verify that participants felt self-affirmed because asking participants to rate their feelings about themselves could serve as an inadvertent affirmation for control participants (Reed & Aspinwall,
1998). However, the lack of a manipulation check makes it unclear whether the intervention was ineffective because it did not allow participants to self-affirm or because self-affirmation did not promote beneficial health-related outcomes in this context. We also do not know whether participants in the imagined examples condition were more likely to consider hypothetical versus actual instances of kindness. Although participants may need more specific instructions about the level of detail needed for examples or the time they need to spend, participants who provided more detailed examples or spent more time did not report greater intentions to quit smoking.
Another limitation is that many of the feasibility analyses are correlational and significant associations (not involving study conditions that were randomly assigned) could be explained by a third variable (e.g., conscientiousness). Furthermore, eligible participants who were excluded from analyses differed from those retained in analyses in their demographic characteristics and on the study DVs. Participants were excluded largely for failure to attend to the study, and as such this differential attrition is unsurprising. It also suggests that the self-affirmation interventions we tested were not effective even with participants more willing to engage. We also conducted a large number of analyses, which increases the likelihood of false positives. Using a statistical approach to correct for multiple analyses may have further reduced our observation of significant findings, which diminishes our confidence in the backfiring effects observed. However, the conclusion that this adapted self-affirmation intervention was neither effective nor feasible would not change.
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