The Current Study
The present study used a longitudinal daily diary method to examine the association between daily family assistance and the academic achievement of Mexican, Chinese, and European adolescents. We examined ethnic, gender, generational, socioeconomic status, and family composition differences in the association between daily family assistance and achievement throughout the high school years. Examining the daily lives of youth over several years will help us to understand how family assistance functions in these youths’ lives. By employing a longitudinal study, we can examine how changes in family assistance over time are simultaneously associated with changes in academic achievement within individual adolescents. Such within-person longitudinal analyses provide us with more confidence that changes in achievement are accounted for by family assistance itself and not to other unmeasured individual characteristics of the adolescent. In addition, daily reporting of family assistance provides more valid and reliable estimates of adolescents’ daily behaviors than traditional retrospective reporting because daily reports capture life as it is lived (Bolger et al.
2003).
We examined whether assisting the family impedes achievement by examining both the amount of time and the number of days that adolescents spend helping their family. Family assistance time represents the average amount of time adolescents spend helping their family over the 2 week daily diary period whereas family assistance days represents the proportion of days that adolescents spend helping their family. Adolescents who spend the same amount of time on average helping their family may distribute that time differently across the days of the week. Some adolescents may not help every day and instead help a lot on the weekends and perhaps little to none on the weekdays, thereby enabling them to focus on studying during school days. In contrast, adolescents who spend a large proportion of days helping their family may not be able to manage their time as effectively and may have to multitask in order to complete their family obligations and school work. Irrespective of the amount of time spent helping, spending a significant proportion of days assisting the family suggests that it is a chronic behavior in adolescents’ lives that may interfere with studying and focusing on school demands.
Research Questions and Hypotheses
We sought to answer three key questions in the current study. First, does family assistance relate to academic achievement over time within adolescents from Mexican, Chinese, and European backgrounds? We expected that family assistance may be more consequential for youth from Mexican and Chinese backgrounds because they take on more household chores, and, given their high levels of family obligation values, they may also sacrifice their school work more in order to help their family.
Second, we examined whether any observed ethnic differences in the associations between family assistance and achievement are due to generational status, socioeconomic background, or family composition. Adolescents from Chinese and Mexican backgrounds are more likely to come from immigrant families and from households of lower socioeconomic status and with more family members in residence. We expected that family assistance may impede achievement when it takes place within difficult home environments such as those with lower socioeconomic status, more siblings in residence, single-parents, or immigrant parents who may depend more on their children to help.
Third, do studying and school problems mediate any observed association between family assistance and academic achievement? We predicted that family assistance may affect achievement because it detracts from adolescents’ ability to effectively study and complete their homework and may cause problems such as being late for school, skipping classes, or doing poorly on an assignment. Therefore, we examined whether family assistance compromised academic achievement because of its impact on studying and school related problems.
Discussion
Adolescents from Latin American and Asian backgrounds place a strong emphasis on family obligation and assistance and results from this study suggest that assisting the family may impact their academic achievement more so than their peers from European backgrounds. Whereas changes in assistance time across the high school years did not relate to changes in academic achievement for any students, increases in assistance days over the years was associated with poorer achievement for adolescents from Mexican and Chinese backgrounds. These ethnic differences were not accounted for by generational status, socioeconomic background, or family composition variables. Furthermore, the association between family assistance and academic achievement could not be explained by school related problems or a reduction in adolescents’ study time.
Results from this study suggest that it is the act of helping on more days, rather than the amount of time helping that may be associated with poorer achievement. These findings suggest that family assistance as a chronic and frequent activity may interfere with adolescents’ lives. Assisting the family on most days of the week suggests that it is a chronic behavior and adolescents who help every day may find it to be more demanding than those who help for the same number of hours but on fewer days. Further, the family context in which an adolescent helps every day is likely different than in a family in which adolescents don’t help every day. Helping on most days may suggest that the adolescents’ assistance is a daily necessity, perhaps due to economic or social stresses in the household. Indeed, children in families experiencing economic difficulties are more likely to assume responsibilities and be involved in household chores compared to their better-off peers (Burton
2007; Elder
1974). Further, taking on extensive responsibilities within difficult family contexts may lead to compromised academic performance and lower achievement (Burton
2007). Together, these studies suggest that assistance as a frequent and chronic activity may be too difficult for some teenagers to manage.
Adolescents from Mexican and Chinese backgrounds tend to spend more time helping their family than their European peers, and it is possible that increases in the proportion of days helping the family were more consequential for Mexican and Chinese youth because these adolescents were already at a high level of assistance. In addition, assisting the family may lead to poorer achievement for adolescents from Mexican and Chinese backgrounds because there are qualitative differences in the family assistance behaviors between the different ethnic groups. We are able to measure the quantitative aspects of family assistance and have found that youth from Mexican and Chinese backgrounds help more than their peers from European backgrounds. However, we know little about the sources of and quality of their family assistance behaviors. For example, sibling care or meal preparation may be more intensive and consequential in Mexican and Chinese families. The same family assistance activities, therefore, may be harder to manage for some adolescents in different family contexts. Understanding the family environments, the context in which assistance takes place, and the quality of the family assistance may help to clarify why helping the family leads to poorer achievement for youth from Mexican and Chinese backgrounds.
Adolescents from Mexican and Chinese backgrounds are more likely to come from immigrant families, and there may be stresses associated with being an immigrant that make it harder to manage their family obligations and school work. Immigrant youth do take on more household responsibilities (Fuligni and Pederson
2002; Fuligni et al.
1999; Hardway and Fuligni
2006) and often express feelings of stress and conflict deriving from their family obligations and school work (Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco
1995). However, we did not find that generational differences explained why Mexican and Chinese youth who help on more days receive lower grades, and there were not differences between immigrant and nonimmigrant youth in the association between family assistance and achievement. Therefore, immigrant and latter generation youth are similarly affected by their family obligations. Assisting their family may be more consequential for adolescents from immigrant families, but generational differences may not be detectable to us in the current study. Future work should tap immigrant stress more directly by examining levels of acculturation, family support, feelings of conflict, language barriers, and other possible sources of strain for immigrant families. By examining the more circumstantial and detailed aspects of immigrant families’ environments, we may be able to understand how family assistance impacts their lives.
In addition, adolescents from Mexican and Chinese backgrounds are more likely to come from families whose parents have less education and are in lower status occupations. Further, these adolescents are more likely to live with their grandparents and to have more siblings living in residence. Family assistance within economically disadvantaged households or within difficult family environments may be more stressful and detract from school work (Burton
2007). Nonetheless, parental education and occupation, number of siblings, living with grandparents, and having dual parents in residence did not explain why assisting the family is more consequential for adolescents from Mexican and Chinese backgrounds. Thus, there are likely other differences between the family environments of these youth that we were not able to pick up on. Future studies should include a more dynamic measure of economic strain. We do not have information about the families’ economic needs, whether the adolescents’ help is imperative for the families’ survival, or why the adolescents are helping. Immigrant families have unique financial situations in which they often send money to family members in their home country (Fuligni and Yoshikawa
2003). Our measure of socioeconomic status does not tap these sources of financial stress, and thus may not be sensitive to ethnic or generational differences.
Finally, we found that school problems and studying do not explain why assisting the family impedes achievement for some youth. Contrary to the expectations of theorists (e.g., Chase
1999), adolescents did not spend less time studying on years in which they helped their family more. Rather, adolescents spent more days studying on years in which they helped their family more. This is consistent with the findings of Hardway and Fuligni (
2006) who found that youth who spend more time helping their family also spend more time studying. Given the positive association between family assistance and studying, it is unclear why assisting the family relates to poorer achievement for some youth. Perhaps the high levels of assistance plus the high levels of studying are too much for some adolescents. Indeed, youth from Mexican and Chinese backgrounds help their families significantly more than their peers from European backgrounds, and trying hard and doing well in school is often an important aspect of their family obligations (Fuligni
2001). Yet, they often feel torn between helping their family and doing their school work (Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco
1995). Because youth who assist more also study more, they are likely doing both activities together while at home. For example, youth may assist their family during the evening and then stay up late in order to complete their school work, or they may multitask and try to study while helping their family. Thus, they may not study less, but the quality of their studying may be affected as a result of their family assistance. Future work should tap the situational and daily context in which family assistance is taking place. A study that samples real life situations and events as they occur can examine what adolescents are doing in the moment, whether they are multitasking, who they are with, and the environment in which they are studying and/or assisting their family. Such a study could help clarify whether the quality of adolescents’ studying is affected by their family assistance behaviors.
Youth from Mexican and Chinese backgrounds often feel it is an obligation to their family to study hard and do well in school (Chao and Tseng
2002; Fuligni
2001; Hardway and Fuligni
2006). These adolescents have a strong sense of family obligation which has been associated with increased academic motivation (Fuligni
2001). Yet, their actual family assistance behaviors may impede their academic achievement, making the implications for policymakers complicated. Family obligation is an important cultural value for adolescents from Latin American and Asian backgrounds. It provides them a sense of academic motivation, and assisting their family gives them a sense of role fulfillment and happiness (Fuligni
2001; Orellana
2001; Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco
1995; Telzer and Fuligni
2009). Thus, interventions should not aim to decrease these youth’s family assistance behaviors. Rather, teachers, schools, and families should help Mexican and Chinese youth find ways to manage their time more effectively so that assisting their family doesn’t interfere with their school work. Recent intervention work shows that culturally sensitive school-based programs that combine traditional familistic values are effective in engaging and motivating Mexican youth and promoting their academic success (e.g., Dillman Carpentier et al.
2007; Martinez and Eddy
2005). Similarly, schools could be made more aware of the unique challenges facing these students and consider ways to allow for more flexibility in work load and deadlines when the need to assist the family arises. In the absence of larger social and economic programs that work to alleviate some of the economic hardships of immigrant and ethnic minority families, such family- and school-based interventions may be the most effective way to assist the students and their families.
Several limitations in the current study should be acknowledged. First, there may be sample biases since the participation rate was around 60% each year. Those who did not participate may be adolescents who come from more difficult home environments, such as those characterized by economic difficulties, parental illness, or parents who are absent due to separation. Thus, we may be missing an important subgroup of adolescents, those who may experience the most stresses associated with their family assistance. In addition, our measure of socioeconomic status does not tap economic strain and youths’ reports of their parents’ education and occupation may not accurately portray their family’s economic need. Thus, it is unclear from the current study how economic difficulties may affect the association between family assistance and academic achievement. Future work should measure economic need more directly by asking parents to report on their economic background. Additionally, our measure of family assistance does not capture qualitative differences in family assistance, such as variations in task difficulty and intensity, which may elucidate why helping the family may be more consequential for some adolescents. Finally, it is important to acknowledge that there are differences in social, ethnic, and socioeconomic distributions between the three schools sampled, such as CalWorks distributions, free and reduced meal differences, and ethnic group representation. It is possible that characteristics about the school and the education provided may be related to academic achievement in addition to the level of family assistance provided by the adolescents. In particular, because ethnicity and school are highly confounded, the ethnic differences in the association between family assistance and academic achievement could be due to the schools the students are attending and not just due to ethnicity. However, we cannot separate out these two effects because we sampled only three schools in the study, which is not enough to be able to make any strong conclusions about school effects.
In conclusion, a growing body of research shows that adolescents from Latin American and Asian backgrounds are some of the most academically motivated students in the United States (Fuligni
1997); yet, their achievement levels do not always match their motivational aspirations. One major source of their motivation derives from their values of family obligation, their sense to support, respect, and help their family (Fuligni
2001; Tseng
2004). Nevertheless, we found that the school achievement of students from Mexican and Chinese backgrounds may suffer when family assistance is a chronic activity that occurs across many days of the week. Additional research should focus on the sources and nature of this high frequency of assistance in order to better assist these students to succeed in high school at levels equal to their motivation and aspirations.