Introduction
The COVID-19 pandemic unleashed not only a widespread and unprecedented global health crisis, but social divisiveness ensued, intensifying and amplifying hate particularly against Asians and Asian Americans who were unjustly blamed and scapegoated for the pandemic (Lim et al.,
2023). The reported surge in anti-Asian American and Pacific Islander (AAPI) hate involved a range of discriminatory acts, including hate speech, a form of expression that perpetrators deliberately use to demean, devalue, and exclude individuals and groups based on their identities (e.g., race, ethnicity, disability status, gender, etc.; Wachs et al.,
2022). Hate speech experienced in the broader AAPI community in the wake of the pandemic knew no boundaries and figured prominently in the lives of children and adolescents—about three out of every four 12–18 year olds who reported anti-Asian discrimination to Stop AAPI Hate experienced verbal harassment or name calling related to their race (Jeung et al.,
2021). Although hate directed at Asian Americans has existed for generations (Lee,
2015), a prominent gap in the extant literature base is how pervasive hate speech was in the years
prior to the pandemic among Asian American adolescents and ways in which schooling contexts could perpetuate it or offer protection from it. To fill this void in the current evidence base, this study describes the prevalence of hate speech among Asian American adolescents in the US leading up to the pandemic (2015–2019) and investigates how school contexts related to whether Asian American youth experienced hate speech at school.
Hate Speech Among Adolescents: Theory and Evidence
Though there is no singular agreed upon definition of hate speech, it is widely understood to involve derogatory remarks that intentionally demean and harm individuals or groups of individuals based on characteristics such as their race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, gender, etc. (Kansok-Dusche et al.,
2023). Perpetrators of hate speech intentionally attack others via words, images, or videos. While hate speech can be directed at others in-person, it has increasingly tended to proliferate through online platforms (Dowd et al.,
2006). It is important to note that there are overlaps between definitions of bullying and hate speech in the theoretical and empirical literature as they both involve the intent to harm and devalue others (Kansok-Dusche et al.,
2023). However, in contrast to incidents of hate speech, bullying can also be physical in nature and can be tied to factors besides race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, etc.; importantly, bullying occurs in the context of a social relationship where the victim is less powerful than the victimizer (i.e., asymmetric power imbalance) and incidents are typically repeated over time (American Psychological Association,
2024).
The pervasiveness of hate speech, be it in-person or online, is concerning given its negative consequences on adolescents’ outcomes. Developmentally, there is a strong positive relationship between online hate speech victimization and depressive symptoms (Wachs et al.,
2022). In terms of school-related outcomes, increased exposure to verbal hate speech and observed hate speech, such as hateful graffiti, is associated with avoiding school as a whole and avoiding specific locations in school like the entrance and cafeteria (Lehman,
2020). School avoidance puts adolescents at a higher risk for decreased academic performance and educational attainment (Balfanz & Byrnes,
2012). Finally, youth who have been exposed to hate speech show less sensitivity to it, thereby leading to higher levels of outgroup prejudice and anti-immigrant attitudes (Soral et al.,
2018).
Conceptually, insights from social learning theory alongside social norms theory helps shed light on why in-person hate speech can occur among adolescents, especially within schools (Wachs et al.,
2022). Hate speech is conceptualized as a learned behavior (Wachs et al.,
2022) that manifests through observing hate speech in one’s own social environments (e.g., schools). While not every adolescent who witnesses hate speech will go on to be perpetrators of it, two underlying conditions contribute to hate speech (Wachs et al.,
2022). First, adolescents individually need to have the motivation to imitate and enact it. Underlying motivators, such as revenge, ideology, and group conformity, are common reasons for perpetrating hate speech (Wachs et al.,
2022). Second, sets of social norms dictating how hate speech is tolerated in adolescents’ social environments need to be in place for hate speech to occur. Hate speech is more likely to occur if it is deemed acceptable in the social environment (i.e., injunctive hate-speech norms) and there is strong peer pressure to engage in it. Adolescents who believed that hate speech was an unacceptable behavior in the classroom were less likely to be perpetrators of hate speech, while deviant peer pressure (i.e., classmates urging the student to perform an unacceptable behavior) was positively associated with hate speech perpetration (Wachs et al.,
2022). Further, the positive association between witnessing hate speech and perpetration was moderated by the injunctive hate-speech norms and deviant peer pressure. For students reporting that hate speech was less acceptable in the classroom, witnessing hate speech was associated with lower levels of perpetration. On the other hand, students who reported higher levels of deviant peer pressure were more likely to engage in hate speech if they witnessed it. To summarize, hate speech perpetration in schools is influenced both by a student’s individual motivators as well as the hate speech norms in the broader school context.
Beyond the theoretical underpinnings of hate-speech in schools, the actual encounters of hate speech that adolescents confront in their daily lives can take many forms, both online and in person, including witnessing hateful symbols or graffiti and witnessing offensive statements (Van Dorn,
2004). Further, where incidents of hate speech take place in schools can vary, with classrooms and break areas being the most common locations (Castellanos et al.,
2023). Finally, a recent study examining hate speech among adolescents in Germany and Switzerland found that students’ skin color and country of origin were the most common targets of hate speech, both online and in-person (Castellanos et al.,
2023).
Hate Speech Against Asian American Youth
Though the US lacks a formal nationwide tracking system documenting incidents of hate speech against Asian Americans, recent data collection and reporting efforts by Stop AAPI Hate offer insights into the pervasiveness of hate speech in the lives of Asian Americans. Between March 2020 and March 2022, 63% of reported incidents (
n = 11,467) involved verbal hate speech and/or harassment, the highest of all forms of AAPI hate (other forms include physical assault comprising 17% of reported incidents and avoidance or shunning at 16%; Stop AAPI Hate,
2022). Among a smaller sample of approximately 340 Asian American 12–18 year olds who reported incidents between March and July 2020, about three out of four were targets of verbal harassment or name-calling related to their race (Jeung et al.,
2021). While racial identity comprises only one dimension of the Asian American experience, race appears to be one of the most salient characteristics of hate speech incidents, and is deeply rooted in xenophobia which has been further exacerbated by broader social and political rifts that have scapegoated AAPIs for a range of societal problems, from the past economic downturns (Lee,
2015) to the present day pandemic (Findling et al.,
2022). Present day anti-AAPI hate speech is a manifestation and continuation of longer-term historical trends in racial discrimination against AAPI communities in the US that includes early anti-Asian immigrant initiatives, policies, and practices in the mid-nineteenth century which forcibly excluded Asians from political, economic, and social spheres of mainstream US society (Lee,
2015). During this period, Asians in America were perceived as anathema to Western civilization and ideals and were derogatorily referred to as the “Yellow Peril”, a racist phrase that was not only used to marginalize Asians from a rhetorical standpoint, but had real-world implications for their treatment and livelihoods (Lee,
2015).
Schools and Hate Speech: Conceptual Framework
While current theory and evidence on hate speech among adolescents has elucidated how it is a learned behavior that can be further perpetuated by broader injunctive norms and deviant peer pressure, only recently has a deeper understanding of the role of schools in either perpetuating or protecting teens from hate speech been developed. Classroom climate, especially when characterized by stronger social cohesion and more positive social interactions, can serve as a protective factor against acts of hate speech because students are more likely to speak out against such hate (Wachs et al.,
2023). At the school level, positive student-teacher relationships and stronger disciplinary structure and rule fairness were found to be negatively associated with hate speech (Lehman,
2019). In contrast, facets of formal social control, such as frequent punishment by school officials and presence of security guards in schools, were positively associated with hate speech. Importantly, these findings were correlational, so causation and directionality cannot be inferred; it is entirely possible that some schools increased formal social control in response to higher levels of hate speech.
In light of this evidence linking schools to hate speech, this study conceptualizes the link between school contexts and incidents of hate speech perpetrated against Asian American youth by drawing upon two interrelated frameworks that were originally conceived of to examine the link between schools and bullying victimization: Authoritative Disciplinary Theory (Gregory et al.,
2010); and Opportunity Theory (Popp,
2012). Authoritative Disciplinary Theory posits that schools with caring and supportive adults (e.g., teachers), coupled with strong structure, in the form of clear and firm school rules, can lead to lower levels of victimization. Relatedly, Opportunity Theory suggests that victimization is influenced by the presence of guardianship (e.g., caring peers or adults), a victim’s exposure and proximity to victimizers (e.g., the presence of gangs at school), and a victimizer’s perception of their victim’s vulnerability (e.g., participation in certain school extracurricular activities that can suggest higher or lower levels of vulnerability to others).
In the context of Asian American victimization, prior evidence (Gee & Cooc,
2019) confirms these underlying theories—stronger guardianship, in the form of peer support, is linked to lower levels of physical victimization while exposure to gangs and physical fights is associated with increased incidents of social victimization. These findings complement those from the literature on school victimization of Asian American youth demonstrating that opportunity theory, in the form of participation in certain extracurriculars (e.g., athletics) can lead to higher levels of victimization (Peguero et al.,
2015; Peguero & Williams,
2013). However, studies have yet to examine how either of these theories operates in the context of hate speech incidents against Asian American youth.
Current Study
Although hate speech against Asian American youth is a growing phenomenon that has intensified in recent years—fueled, in part, by anti-Asian rhetoric associated with the pandemic—current attention to this phenomenon has overlooked what occurred before the pandemic. Knowledge of prior trends establishes a baseline with which to contextualize present and future trends. Further, research on how schools are linked to hate speech incidents is scarce. Schools can serve as sites of both perpetration and protection and importantly, given the large-scale reach into the daily lives of adolescents, pinpointing protective factors can yield insights into critical school features that are malleable and amenable to shifts in policies or practices that could ultimately benefit the wellbeing of Asian American youth. Accordingly, this study aims to answer two critical, yet unanswered questions about hate speech and Asian American adolescents in the US between 2015 and 2019. What was the prevalence of hate speech incidents between 2015 and 2019 and did the prevalence change over time? (Research Question 1). How do schools—particularly, their authoritative climates (i.e., supportive adults coupled with strong school rules) alongside factors related to victimization exposure (e.g., presence of gangs)—relate to the incidence of hate speech? (Research Question 2). Based on prior empirical and theoretical evidence linking authoritative climates to reductions in bullying victimization among Asian American youth, this study hypothesizes that the protective benefits of authoritative climate will extend to incidents of hate speech as well.
Discussion
Although hate against Asian American communities is longstanding and systemic, a strong confluence of recent events—the pandemic, coupled with social and political rifts—has intensified this hate. Schools have not been immune to the influence of these broader societal strains and even prior to the pandemic, race-related discrimination in schools was more prevalent among Asian American high school students relative to all other racial groups (Cooc & Gee,
2014). However, not only is it rare for studies to examine how school contexts are associated with hate speech incidents, but there are no studies, to the authors’ knowledge, that explicitly focus on how Asian American youth encounter such hate in schools at the national level, especially prior to the pandemic. This study helps overcome this oversight and has particular urgency and relevance given the recent swell of anti-AAPI hate.
This study’s findings establish that, on average, about 1 in 15 Asian American adolescents were targets of hate speech between 2015 and 2019, with rates remaining stable across the same time period. Further, there were no significant differences in rates between Asian American adolescents and those from other races and ethnicities. Given this baseline, it is important for future studies that will use the SCS 2022 and beyond to determine whether these trends significantly changed. This study also found that stronger authoritative climates were associated with reductions in the incidence of hate speech. In particular, higher levels of disciplinary structure in the form of school rules alongside the presence of supportive adults at school are linked to lower probability of Asian American adolescents experiencing hate speech at school. On the other hand, consistent with opportunity theory, students who engaged in school fights faced an increased probability. These results are consistent with authoritative disciplinary and opportunity theories, demonstrating how broadly applicable these theories can be to the hate speech experiences of Asian American youth. Further, these findings build upon and complement the extant empirical evidence on the victimization experiences of Asian American youth (Gee & Cooc,
2019; Hong et al.,
2014; Peguero & Williams,
2013). In particular, this study’s finding that physical fights were positively associated with hate speech are consistent with findings from Gee and Cooc (
2019) who found that students who engaged in physical fights were more likely to experience social victimization. However, in contrast with the findings of Gee and Cooc (
2019), who found that neither support nor disciplinary structure were related to physical or social victimization, this study shows that both aspects of authoritative climate were linked to reductions in hate speech. This finding is notable as it suggests that effectiveness of solutions aimed at mitigating school violence built around strengthening an authoritative school climate may not be wholly effective in stemming all forms of school violence, but may depend on the type of violence that students encounter. Future research can examine why different underlying dimensions of authoritative school climates function more or less effectively to influence a range of victimization experiences, including bullying alongside hate speech.
Importantly, these findings offer critical insights for interventions aimed at hate-speech reduction. Recent hate-speech interventions targeted to adolescents have focused on intervening to promote counter speech, a way of discouraging hate speech by pointing out logical flaws or using facts to counter misinformation (Wachs et al.,
2023). HateLess is an intervention that was developed to increase counter speech, as well as increase empathy towards victims of hate speech and self-efficacy in intervening when hate speech is occurring (Wachs et al.,
2023). HateLess is composed of five modules delivered over a one week timeframe and fosters an in-depth understanding of what hate speech is and how to effectively counter it. Overall, HateLess has direct small to moderate effects on counter speech, empathy, and self-efficacy; however, the long-term effects (greater than one month) are unknown (Wachs et al.,
2023). Given that the success of interventions like HateLess depend on the school social context as well as available resources, it will be important for schools to plan ways to overcome barriers that could hinder the successful implementation of such programs. For example, schools that have limited resources can leverage partnerships with local youth or community-based organizations to collaboratively deliver and implement interventions like HateLess. More challenging, however, are the political and social tensions that have spilled over into schools, placing them front and center over debates over what the kinds of social issues that can and cannot be discussed or incorporated into school programming or curricula—as a result, addressing hate speech that involves race and systemic racism could be more challenging in specific communities (Walker,
2023).
Beyond interventions like HateLess, positive classroom climate and social skills—specifically, perspective-taking, prosocial behavior, and assertiveness—could positively relate to counter speech (Wachs et al.,
2023). Empirically, findings on a sample of 3225 youth (grades 7–9) in German and Swiss schools demonstrated that classroom climate and social skills had small to moderate effects on counter speech (Wachs et al.,
2023). Further, stronger classroom climates (measured by the quality of relationships with classmates) were associated with higher levels of social skills, suggesting that improving classroom climate and student social skills could protect adolescents from hate speech.
Taken together, this study’s findings, alongside evidence to promote counter speech as well as the role of classroom climate in protecting students from hate speech, suggests that a multi-tiered socioecological approach—one that interweaves interventions at the individual, classroom and school-levels—will be important in reducing hate speech. In practice, one model that has been used to address bullying, which could also be applied specifically to hate speech, is a two-tiered approach. At its foundation, the model provides universal supports (e.g., classroom lessons, staff-led bystander intervention training, etc.) to all individuals involved—victims, perpetrators, and bystanders—while at the same time, directing more intensive interventions to address the behaviors of the perpetrators and behavioral supports, like counseling, for victims (Nickerson,
2019). The evidence generated from this study also points to critical schooling conditions that may enhance, or moderate, the efficacy of individual and classroom based interventions. For instance, the success of counter speech interventions may depend on the strength of the authoritative climate and the presence of caring adults in the school; conversely, those efforts may be more challenging if students face physical fights. Developing and testing how multi-tiered approaches can address hate speech, especially culturally relevant strategies specific to the experiences of Asian American youth, are areas for further research.
In terms of implications for policy, while schools often have policies addressing bullying, harassment and discrimination that include definitions of hate speech, this study’s findings underscore the need to strengthen guidance that undergirds such policies. Guidance can include the promotion of anti-bullying prevention and training activities, the explicit acknowledgment of hate against Asian American youth as well as more detailed data collection and reporting to identify patterns in such incidents. For instance, California’s Assembly Bill (AB) 2291: Bullying Prevention, enacted in 2019, amended the existing Education Code and requires school districts to adopt “procedures for preventing acts of bullying, including cyberbullying” and to publicly post online training materials to support educators and student support staff in preventing bullying (California Department of Education,
2022). However, these materials lack specific acknowledgement of bullying or hate speech against Asian American youth, nor guidance about specific data collection on and reporting of these incidents. In contrast to California, Iowa’s law on bullying and harassment (Section 280.28) specifies that schools report bullying and harassment data which is a step in the right direction; however, such incidents do not note the race of the victims which could limit the usefulness of such data in addressing and preventing victimization of and hate against Asian Americans. Finally, merely incorporating guidance and data reporting to strengthen existing policies may be insufficient to actually prevent incidents of hate speech unless schools also develop clear systems and procedures to ensure the underlying policies will be implemented on the ground with strong fidelity (Hall,
2017).
Limitations of this study include the inability to disaggregate the SCS data into Asian subgroups to understand their unique experiences of hate speech—this is a common limitation inherent in all studies of Asian American adolescents that leverage large-scale nationwide data and will require broader change at the federal level to incorporate more fine-grained sampling techniques to capture representative subpopulations. Second, this study can only address how authoritative climates are correlated with hate speech and is thus limited in establishing a causal link. This limitation can be overcome in future work by leveraging experimental or quasi-experimental designs. Third, due to sample size limitations, this study is unable to tease out trends in hate speech against different targeted identities; however, given that the majority of the sample experienced hate speech due to their race (86%) and ethnicity (63%), this study’s findings are, in large part, picking up trends in hate speech against Asian American youth’s racial and/or ethnic identities. Fourth, the measures used are subject to self-report bias and future studies would benefit by including data collected from administrative records and/or peer assessment, where feasible. Finally, quantitative data can only capture one piece of a complex story around hate speech. Future studies could benefit from complementary qualitative and mixed-methods designs that capture the lived experiences of youth experiencing hate in schools. Qualitative insights that center Asian American youth’s voices—especially with respect to the kinds of supports and strategies that they leverage to cope with bullying—can be instrumental in the design and delivery of culturally relevant anti-bullying and counter speech interventions, leading to robust interventions that are more relevant and effective.
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